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Bodily autonomy: Busting 7 myths that undermine individual rights and freedoms by United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) Nearly half of all women are denied their bodily autonomy, according to data from 57 countries, UNFPA’s flagship report announced today. The 2021 State of World Population report, titled My Body is My Own, marks the first time a United Nations report focuses on the power and agency of individuals to make choices about their bodies without fear, violence or coercion. The report examines data on women’s decision-making power and on laws supportive of sexual and reproductive health and rights. Tragically, only 55 per cent of women have bodily autonomy, according to measurements of their ablity to make their own decisions on issues relating to health care, contraception and whether to have sex. The report also highlights the legal, economic and social barriers to securing bodily autonomy for all. Twenty countries or territories, for example, have “marry your rapist” laws that allow perpetrators to escape punishment if they marry their victims, codifying the denial of autonomy experienced by survivors of rape. But some of the most persistent barriers to bodily autonomy involve stereotypes, assumptions and misconceptions about bodily autonomy and the rights of women and girls. “The few people who have heard of bodily autonomy associate it with negative ideas,” said Romeo Alejandro Mendez Zuniga, a youth educator in Guatemala who was interviewed in the report, “because it affects the patriarchal male chauvinist system.” Below are seven common myths about bodily autonomy and why we must abandon these misconceptions once and for all. Myth 1: Bodily autonomy is a Western concept. Bodily autonomy is about the right to make decisions over one’s own life and future. It is about being empowered to make informed choices. These are universal values. Governments everywhere have committed, in a variety of international agreements, to protecting autonomy. Respect for autonomy is a core tenet of international medical ethics. And we must not overlook the incredible efforts to secure bodily autonomy being led by advocates all over the world. Myth 2: There is no right to bodily autonomy. Marginalized communities, such as indigenous people, often face heightened barriers to realizing their bodily autonomy. This could take the form of vulnerability to violence, lack accurate sexual and reproductive health information or poor access to health services. Not only is bodily autonomy a human right, it is the foundation upon which other human rights are built. It is included, implicitly or explicitly, in many international rights agreements, such as the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Myth 3: Bodily autonomy represents radical individualism; it undermines group decision-making. Collective decision-making is common across cultures, societies and governments. But group decisions cannot circumscribe the rights of individuals. This is the case with all Marginalized communities, such as indigenous people, often face heightened barriers to realizing their bodily autonomy. This could take the form of vulnerability to violence, lack accurate sexual and reproductive health information or poor access to health services. In fact, the realization of individual bodily autonomy actually requires collective action. Communities and advocates must come together to dismantle the norms, laws and practices that deprive individuals of autonomy. Myth 4: One person’s bodily autonomy could end up undermining the autonomy of others. Having bodily autonomy does not mean any person gets to undermine the health, rights or autonomy of others. Individuals have the right to choose whether to have sex or get pregnant, for example, but they are not entitled to impose these choices on others. No one has the right to violate the rights, autonomy or bodily integrity of anyone else. Myth 5: Some groups of people are not entitled to bodily autonomy. Rights are for everyone, full stop. That includes bodily autonomy. Throughout history, we have seen many people – including women, ethnic minorities and other vulnerable populations – denied their fundamental human rights. They were told, in ways big and small, that they lacked the capacity or privilege to make choices for themselves. These abuses continue today. Persons with disabilities, for example, are frequently denied their right to accessible sexual and reproductive health information and services. They are too often denied protection from violence; girls and boys with disabilities are nearly three times more likely to be subjected to sexual violence, with girls at the greatest risk. Some are even subjected to forced sterilization. People in detention may be subjected to rape or denial of health care. Young people, too, are often considered incapable of making sexual and reproductive health decisions. Sometimes this means parents make life-altering choices for them, like marrying them off before they reach adulthood. This has to stop. Guardians have a clear obligation to make responsible decisions in the best interest of their children. Additionally, international agreements respect the rights of older adolescents to participate in important matters affecting them. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes the evolving capacities of children approaching adulthood, and calls for them to be supported with information, guidance and health care that empowers them to participate meaningfully in choices about their bodies and futures. Myth 6: Bodily autonomy undermines traditions and religions. Bodily autonomy is not simply about sexual choices and reproduction. It is about a person’s whole self, their dreams and potential in life. Most traditions and religions create space for individuals to explore their own conscience on such deeply personal matters as how to protect their health, whether to start a family and how to chart their future. These choices can be – and often are – guided by religious leaders and cultural teachings. Myth 7: Bodily autonomy is just another women’s issue. Any concern affecting the welfare of half of humanity cannot be dismissed as a “women’s issue”. But bodily autonomy does not simply affect women. Every individual should be empowered to claim their bodily autonomy. This includes men, women, boys and girls and people of diverse sexual orientations. It includes people of all races, faiths, nationalities and disability status. People of all genders can experience reproductive coercion – behaviors that interfere with the reproductive choices of others – and even rape. As is the case with achieving gender equality, the realization of bodily autonomy will fortify the welfare of all people, men and boys included. http://www.unfpa.org/news/bodily-autonomy-busting-7-myths-undermine-individual-rights-and-freedoms http://www.unfpa.org/sowp-2021 http://www.unfpa.org/swop-2020 http://www.unfpa.org/swop-2019 http://www.unfpa.org/campaign Visit the related web page |
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Women and girls across Asia are facing complex risks from the pandemic by Meena Poudel, Pratistha Joshi Rajkarnikar Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), UNESO, agencies Nepal Women and girls across Asia are facing complex risks from the pandemic, by Meena Poudel for Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted billions of lives around the world. But the crisis is hitting already-vulnerable women and girls in several new and interconnected ways. Nepali sociologist Meena Poudel spoke with the FES Gender Justice Hub about these challenges in Asia, with a focus on exclusion and migration. “The pandemic has increased pre-existing risks of violence against adolescent girls and young women,” Poudel said. “Adolescent girls and young women living in humanitarian settings, from marginalized communities and with disabilities are particularly affected.” Where individuals are at the intersection of two or more such vulnerable groups, those vulnerabilities are compounded, she added. Evidence is also emerging that South and East Asian women migrant workers in the Middle East face tremendous hardships, according to Poudel. “Domestic workers, spa and hotel attendants, and entertainment industries workers were not paid for several months or were only half paid, and many lost their jobs” due to the pandemic and measures taken to fight it, she said. And in many countries, refugees and migrants have reported being stigmatized as carriers and expelled by authorities, she added, especially in the earlier days of the pandemic. The pandemic has hit Asia’s women and girls amid longstanding, patriarchal norms, entrenched gender prejudice, and weak institutional protection of women’s rights, Poudel explained. Many Asian societies are “highly gendered with their interlocking systems of caste, ethnicity and religion,” she said. “Women are subordinate to men – economically and socio-culturally – and as a consequence marginalized legally and politically.” “Despite political commitments by most Asian governments, a majority of women in the region do not own land and have no access to decision making on family resources. They are overrepresented in the informal sector, predominantly in agriculture and garments, and are seldom covered by social protection schemes.” In the garment sector for example, the International Labour Organization estimates that 80 percent of the workforce are women. This discrimination also persists at the professional end of the workforce, she said. “Women are less seen in high-ranking jobs. Asian families are structured in a way that childcare and domestic work are the primary responsibility of women and they get little help from their male counterparts. Most countries also do not have proper childcare services. That is why many Asian women find it hard to balance work and family and therefore opt out of their job despite their competitive qualifications.” The impact on women’s daily lives takes many forms, Poudel said. Child marriages, honour killings, sexual harassment, and gender-based violence including rape, murder and acid attacks are common experiences for women and girls in several parts of Asia. In fact, South Asia where 43 per cent of the women reported to have experienced physical and sexual violence, often from their partner, has one of the highest risks for women worldwide. Members of the LGBTQI community, indigenous women and people with disabilities face sexual harassment at work, public humiliation and social stigma every day. “These abuses are largely tolerated in parts of many Asian societies and strengthen male power in our families, communities and religious institutions,” she said. In many countries, women also need a male guardian’s endorsement to get formal identity documents, which are required to participate in civil, economic or political activities. “Such a subordinating arrangement is a complex social and cultural process that rejects women’s legal autonomy, and constructs womanhood as being always merged with manhood,” Poudel said. The women at the intersection of two or more vulnerable social groups are experiencing the worst of the pandemic. These include in particular “migrant women, refugees, persons with various forms of disabilities, adolescent girls, indigenous people, pregnant and breast-feeding women, women from remote villages, single mother and female headed household, women with certain religious practices, people under long term medical conditions, drug users and LGBTIQ communities,” she said. Women in these situations are particularly vulnerable to the withdrawal of services, Poudel explained. The pandemic has prompted the suspension and closure of crisis and support centres, helplines, shelters, and targeted health clinics. Adolescent girls in countries across the region been denied menstrual hygiene counselling, and there are reports that for example women in remote Nepal have died in childbirth after they were unable to access their local health centre. The sociologist recognizes the wide range of challenges ahead, but she is not without hope. Women’s engagement has been key in generating support through local networks to vulnerable communities and individuals in the neighborhood. Civil society organizations and their development partners must engage collectively with such local networks and their respective governments, she said, to ensure, firstly, that ongoing basic services continue to be provided to vulnerable groups, and also that more resources are made available to COVID-related support services, by re-prioritization if necessary, for at least the next two or three years. Media and researchers have their own role to play by highlighting the less well-known impacts of COVID-19 on marginalized communities, and helping to inform the decision-making process, Poudel said. “Constructive engagement of all actors is needed more than ever.” “If our leaders underestimate the gendered nature of vulnerabilities, the limited progress made on gender equality in Asia could see a reversal,” she warned. “However, the current crisis could also be a rare opportunity to disrupt gender stereotypes and build a more gender-inclusive world.” http://asia.fes.de/news/asia-women-pandemic Oct. 2021 Nepal's Government must Stop Violence against Women, Ensure Equal Rights, writes Pratistha Joshi Rajkarnikar for the Initiative for Policy Dialogue. 'Violence against women has risen sharply in Nepal during the pandemic. Calls to a national helpline for battered women doubled during the lockdown months of April through June 2020 compared to a previous three-month period, and, by one estimate, gender-based violence increased by more than 2 percent in the first wave of the pandemic. The increase in physical, psychological and sexual abuse, often by husbands or in-laws, may be partly explained by rising economic insecurity. The International Labor Organization estimates that more than 30 percent of men and 24 percent of women will face job losses or wage reductions because of the pandemic. Men, frustrated by unemployment and the inability to provide for their families, may have turned to substance abuse and violence. Additionally, with families locked down together, women were likely to have to cook more meals and spend more time taking care of their families. Any failure to meet these responsibilities may have triggered conflict and violence. Restrictions on movement during Covid-19 also contributed to increased abuse because women often weren't able to see friends and family or visit counseling services for domestic abuse victims. This made it nearly impossible to ask for help. Reports show an increase in suicides among women and, unsurprisingly, a decline in women’s mental and psychological well-being during the lockdown. Before the pandemic, Nepal had been making strides in gender equity – the president is a woman, as was a chief justice of the Supreme Court and a speaker of the Parliament. But even though women are increasingly entering politics, going to school and receiving medical care, inequalities persist because of stubbornly entrenched patriarchal social norms. Women have limited access to economic and social opportunities, and forty percent can’t read. More than one-third of women are reported to have experienced some form of physical, sexual or emotional abuse during their lives, one-quarter of those from their husbands. The government has tried to address these problems by passing a budget that incorporates specific measures to ensure a balanced allocation of public resources. Government reports show that nearly 40 percent of the national budget in the last fiscal year was allocated for initiatives that benefit women. However, progress in real terms has been weak, and vast inequalities remain due to inadequate implementation and monitoring. There are a number of short-term solutions the Nepali government can take to alleviate violence against women, in all its forms. One is to strengthen and expand existing institutions by boosting the funding. Organizations like Women Rehabilitation Center, Women for Human Rights and UN Women that work with local institutions to provide counseling and mental health services could expand and enhance their programs. They could also mobilize women’s groups at the local level to check in on women and children who are at a higher risk of violence. Additionally, it would be beneficial to institute digital training programs that teach women how to use cell phones to report violence or to use online health services. The quarantining facilities that house returning migrants and those infected with Covid-19 are also in need of reform. In Nepal, some quarantine centers set up by the government are unsafe, with reports of rape and other forms of violence in overcrowded or mismanaged buildings. Simple solutions such as creating separate toilets for women and safe rooms for breastfeeding might help reduce abuse. As Nepal moves towards recovering from the pandemic, women’s organizations must be included in government planning and policy. Additionally, data collected for research and policymaking should be separated out by gender to ensure that women’s needs are factored into the economic policies of the recovery. In the long term, lawmakers need to institute a much more extensive agenda to end violence against women. This includes creating equal access to education, employment and social opportunities. This means improving the quality of public education and discouraging discriminatory practices such as spending less on girls’ education, requiring women to contribute more to household work and restricting them from working in jobs assumed to be more suitable for men. It also includes instituting paid leave, unemployment insurance and direct cash and in-kind benefits to the most vulnerable groups, and providing public childcare services, which would reduce domestic responsibilities for women. The government must come down hard against child-marriage and dowry and make violence against women illegal. In addition, the Nepali government must support a broader change in perceptions of gender roles by raising awareness through information campaigns and classroom discussion. Nepal has received financial support for Covid-19 relief from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other bilateral donors. A portion of those funds must be allocated to support gender-inclusive policies. Making sure these funds are used effectively and transparently is equally critical. Past experience shows the Nepali government has mismanaged aid because of corruption and weak institutional structures. Recovering from the pandemic provides a chance for Nepal to create a stronger, more just and sustainable socioeconomic system. It is not enough to address the epidemiological impacts of the pandemic; gender inequality and violence must also receive sufficient attention. A nation in which half the population fears for its safety is not healthy nation by any reasonable measure. http://policydialogue.org/opinions/rajkamikar_nepal/ Visit the related web page |
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