View previous stories
	Gender-based discrimination of Afghan women and girls by OHCHR, UN Women, agencies Afghanistan   June 2024   The institutionalized system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity and exclusion of women and girls, report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan.   In its resolution 54/1, the United Nations Human Rights Council requested the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, with the support of other relevant special procedure mandate holders and treaty bodies, to prepare a report on the phenomenon of an institutionalized system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity and exclusion of women and girls.   As requested, the present report builds on the joint report submitted to the Human Rights Council at its fifty-third session by the Special Rapporteur and the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls. According to that report, the Taliban were perpetrating the most extreme forms of gender-based discrimination, with Afghan women describing the erosion of their rights as “the walls closing in”, leaving them “without hope”.   The Special Rapporteur and the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls determined that the pattern of large-scale systematic violations of women’s and girls’ fundamental rights in Afghanistan, abetted by the Taliban’s discriminatory and misogynist policies and harsh enforcement methods, constituted gender persecution and an institutionalized framework of gender apartheid, and provided detailed recommendations to the de facto authorities, States and the United Nations.   The Special Rapporteur’s subsequent human rights reports to the UN General Assembly and the Human Rights Council include updates on the worsening situation for women and girls.   In the present report, the Special Rapporteur provides a critical analysis of the institutionalized subjugation of Afghan women and girls, encoded in the Taliban’s gender-based system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for dignity and exclusion.   As previously detailed, the consequence has been the rapid attrition of female autonomy and agency, and the erasure of women and girls from the public, political, economic, social and cultural life of Afghanistan.   The Taliban’s institutionalized system of discrimination is most visible through its relentless issuance and enforcement of edicts, decrees, declarations and orders that in and of themselves constitute severe deprivations of human rights and violations of international law. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur examines the way in which these commands interlock to form a countrywide system of oppression and abuse in which all communities in Afghanistan, particularly women and girls, find themselves ensnared.   http://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/phenomenon-institutionalized-system-discrimination-segregation-disrespect-human-dignity-and-exclusion-women-and-girls-report-special-rapporteur-human-rights-afghanistan-ahrc5625-enarruzh http://undocs.org/en/A/HRC/56/25 http://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-afghanistan http://www.ohchr.org/en/statements-and-speeches/2024/06/comment-un-human-rights-office-spokesperson-liz-throssell http://www.hrw.org/news/2024/06/10/letter-un-security-council-and-member-states-womens-rights-afghanistan   http://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/in-focus/2024/06/afghanistan http://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2024-06/Gender-country-profile-Afghanistan-Executive-summary-en.pdf http://www.unicef.org/press-releases/1000-days-education-equivalent-three-billion-learning-hours-lost-afghan-girls http://www.ipsnews.net/2024/06/1000-days-afghan-girls-voices-campaign-enters-second-phase/ http://www.educationcannotwait.org/news-stories/press-releases/education-cannot-waits-afghangirlsvoices-campaign-highlights-real-life   Aug. 2023   Two years since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. (UN Women)   On 15 August 2021, everything changed for women and girls in Afghanistan. First came the curbs on girls’ education and women’s right to work, then the enforcement of strict dress codes and impositions on women’s freedom of movement and access to public life.   Two years after their takeover of Afghanistan, through more than 50 edicts, orders, and restrictions, the Taliban have systematically imposed a set of meticulously constructed policies of inequality that impact every part of a woman’s life, that regulate where a woman can go and how she should dress.   UN Women Executive Director, Sima Bahous:   It is now two years since the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, during which time it has imposed the most comprehensive, systematic, and unparalleled assault on the rights of women and girls. Through over 50 edicts, orders and restrictions, the Taliban have left no aspect of women’s lives untouched, no freedom spared. They have created a system founded on the mass oppression of women that is rightly and widely considered gender apartheid.   Afghan women have told me and the world about the ways in which these actions are misguided, cruel and ultimately self-defeating. They lessen the women and girls of Afghanistan, and the people of Afghanistan who are robbed of their contribution.   This most blatant violation of basic rights to which the international community has unambiguously proclaimed its commitment is a harm to every one of us across the human family. These are our sisters. They are suffering. We cannot and must not accept this. It must end now.   Despite these challenges, Afghan women tell me that they will not give up or give in. They will continue to lead the struggle against their oppression. In the face of the most hostile of circumstances they speak out against the violations, deliver lifesaving services and run women’s organizations. Their bravery must inspire us to greater action, their example to renewed determination.   I call on all actors to join us in supporting Afghan women in every way, elevating their voices, priorities, and recommendations, funding the services they so desperately need, supporting their businesses and organizations. I urge the international community to continue to apply every pressure and employ every means at their disposal to press for change, including by answering the call of the humanitarian community and fully funding the humanitarian appeal for Afghanistan. I urge the Taliban to reconsider and to weigh the cost of these acts for Afghanistan’s present and future.   http://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/statement/2023/08/statement-on-afghanistan-by-un-women-executive-director-sima-bahous http://asiapacific.unwomen.org/en/countries/afghanistan http://www.educationcannotwait.org/news-stories/press-releases/two-years-afghan-girls-call-the-heart-claim-their-right-education-rings http://www.hrw.org/news/2023/08/10/afghanistan-repression-worsens-2-years-taliban-rule http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/06/taliban-edicts-suffocating-women-and-girls-afghanistan-un-experts http://reliefweb.int/country/afg   Mar. 2023   The UN in Afghanistan calls for an immediate end to draconian restrictions on the rights of women & girls by the de facto authorities. (UNAMA)   On International Women’s Day, the United Nations in Afghanistan is renewing its call on the country’s de facto authorities to halt and reverse harsh restrictions on the fundamental rights of women and girls.   Since August 2021, the Taliban de facto authorities have demonstrated an almost singular focus on imposing rules that leave most women and girls effectively trapped in their homes. These restrictions are at odds with human rights obligations set forth in instruments concerning human rights and fundamental freedoms to which Afghanistan is a State party and by which it is bound, and damage Afghanistan’s prospects of recovering from decades of war.   “Afghanistan under the Taliban remains the most repressive country in the world regarding women’s rights, and it has been distressing to witness their methodical, deliberate, and systematic efforts to push Afghan women and girls out of the public sphere,” said Roza Otunbayeva, Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) and head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA).   “Confining half of the country’s population to their homes in one of the world’s largest humanitarian and economic crises is a colossal act of national self-harm. It will condemn not only women and girls, but all Afghans, to poverty and aid-dependency for generations to come. It will further isolate Afghanistan from its own citizens and from the rest of the world,” Otunbayeva said.   UNAMA has recorded an almost constant stream of discriminatory edicts and measures against women by the de facto authorities since August 2021.   In September 2021, the de facto authorities suspended girls’ secondary education and, despite public pronouncements to the contrary, extended the suspension indefinitely when classes resumed in March 2022. Although the de facto authorities have said that they are in the process of aligning the school curriculum with Islamic values and cultural norms, no progress has been visible. In December 2022, the de facto Ministry of Higher Education suspended university education for women.   The denial of access to education has innumerable actual and potential physical and psychosocial repercussions, including suicides; child marriage; early childbearing; poverty-related losses such as in regard to health, nutrition, well-being and wealth due to lower earnings; diminished agency, decision-making and related social capital; and increased risk of domestic violence and sexual exploitation and abuse.   Women’s right to travel or work outside the confines of their home and to access public spaces is largely restricted. Women have also been excluded from all levels of public decision-making.   “Afghan women have shown incredible courage and resilience in the face of their ongoing and systematic erasure,” said Alison Davidian, Special Representative for UN Women in Afghanistan.   “The implications of the harm the Taliban are inflicting on their own citizens goes beyond women and girls. It impacts all Afghans and will resonate throughout generations. The rights of women and girls must be restored immediately in order to build an inclusive, peaceful and hopeful Afghanistan.”   Women human rights defenders peacefully protesting have been targeted, beaten, and arrested. Combined, these decrees, directives, and rules limit women’s ability to earn a living, access health care and education, escape violence, and exercise their rights.   In 2023, 13.8 million Afghan women and girls are in need of humanitarian assistance – yet the de facto authorities have undermined the unprecedented international aid effort by also banning women working in non-governmental organizations, even though they are crucial to the delivery of life-saving help.   http://www.ohchr.org/en/statements/2023/08/afghanistan-un-human-rights-experts-denounce-idea-reformed-taliban http://www.hrw.org/news/2023/08/10/afghanistan-repression-worsens-2-years-taliban-rule http://unama.unmissions.org/un-afghanistan-calls-immediate-end-draconian-restrictions-rights-women-girls-de-facto-authorities http://unama.unmissions.org/un-protests-order-taliban-de-facto-authorities-prohibiting-afghan-women-working-united-nations http://news.un.org/en/story/2023/04/1135422 http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/06/taliban-edicts-suffocating-women-and-girls-afghanistan-un-experts http://www.unocha.org/story/afghan-women-aid-workers-risk-own-lives-keep-people-alive http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2023/03/afghanistan-girls-education   * After August: A collection of stories documenting the lives of Afghan women is a collaboration between UN Women Afghanistan, Zan Times, Limbo and independent storytellers: http://www.afteraugust.org/   * Afghanistan is also experiencing a humanitarian crisis:   http://www.unocha.org/news/afghanistan-ocha-briefs-security-council-deepening-crisis-need-funding http://www.unocha.org/publications/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-critical-funding-gaps-june-2024 http://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/alerts-archive/issue-101/en http://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/wfp-afghanistan-forced-drop-10-million-people-lifesaving-assistance-deepening-despair-and-worry-afghans http://www.nrc.no/news/2023/august/the-people-of-afghanistan-need-sustainable-solutions-to-avoid-catastrophe/ http://www.rescue.org/press-release/two-years-taliban-took-power-afghanistan-almost-30-million-people-remain-dire-need http://www.savethechildren.net/news/more-third-children-surveyed-afghanistan-pushed-child-labour-country-marks-two-years-taliban http://www.unocha.org/publications/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-humanitarian-update-june-2023 http://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/humanitarian-coordinator-appeals-world-not-abandon-people-afghanistan-precarious-moment-endaripashto http://www.ipcinfo.org/ipc-country-analysis/details-map/en/c/1156185/?iso3=AFG http://www.unicef.org/afghanistan/ Visit the related web page
	The global femicide epidemic by IPS Journal, news agencies   The global femicide epidemic, by Theresa Beckmann. (International Politics and Society)   'Per Giulia e per tutte' (‘For Giulia and for all’) echoed through the streets of Italy in mid-November 2023. Thousands of women, activists and supporters gathered to protest and show solidarity with the 22-year-old student Giulia Cecchettin, who was killed by her ex-boyfriend on the night of 11 November 2023. The outrage over the murder of the young student unleashed a wave of protest that was audible far beyond the country’s borders in the weeks after the incident.   Browsing through the page Women for Change triggers a wave of emotions which constantly sways back and forth between disbelief, grief and anger. The South African NGO is dedicated to women’s rights and documents all the cases of murdered women in the country. South Africa’s femicide rate is five times higher than the global average; on average, nine women were murdered there every day in 2022. A quick glance reveals a seemingly never-ending series of posts titled ‘In Memory of’, each featuring a portrait of a smiling women — a tribute to all the woman and girls whose lives were abruptly cut short. One of them is Nombulelo Jessica Michael, a social worker who was attending a gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) case in court on the last day she was seen alive.   The deaths of Nombulelo and Giulia account for a series of murders of women all over the world — femicides. The term describes the most extreme form of gender-based violence. In 2022, the UN registered 89 000 cases of intentional killings of women and girls worldwide. Fifty-five per cent of these murders are committed by (former) intimate partners or perpetrators from the victim’s own environment.   Femicide cases have been rising continuously in the last two decades. And still, these figures only paint a fragmented picture of a blunt reality: a significant number of femicide victims (around 40 per cent) remain unaccounted for in the UN report, as they are not categorised as gender-related killings due to variations in criminal justice recording and investigation practices across nations.   With the start of the new year, it is high time to highlight the pressing need for continuous advocacy initiatives and policy implications aimed at promoting societal transformation and confronting the fundamental factors contributing to gender-based violence. But the challenge requires a multifaceted approach that acknowledges the intersection of underlying power dynamics in the form of a patriarchal society, racism and structural inequalities.   Giulia and Nombulelo were two different women, on different continents, who became victims of the same alarming global crisis of gender-based violence, affecting women and girls in diverse cultural, economic and political contexts.   In patriarchal societies, the omnipresent grip of traditional gender norms reinforces a culture where violence against women is normalised. This norm transcends borders and adapts to different cultural contexts while maintaining its oppressive nature.   Those stereotypes and prejudices continuously foster expectations of femininity and masculinity, weaving dangerous narratives of victim blaming. As a result, it is common for the public discourse surrounding gender-based violence and femicides to be marked by the inappropriate behaviour of a young woman who is drinking alcohol and is walking home alone at night, rather than being centred on expressions of grief, condolences and righteous indignation.   In this regard, media portrayals and narratives must shift and tell the stories from the victim’s point of view, avoiding stylistic instruments drawing from love tragedies and sensationalism.   But what other causes are there for the rise of femicide cases? The Covid19 pandemic, which forced people to stay locked up at home, intensified the extent of violence against women immensely. It also pushed people into financial uncertainty and economic distress, which became a crucial driving factor for gender-based violence.   Government authorities, women’s rights activists and civil society partners worldwide were reporting significantly increased calls for help to domestic violence helplines during that time. Disrupted support systems, the intensification of pre-existing tensions, overwhelmed healthcare systems and restricted mobility made it challenging for victims to seek help and support.   More than this, food insecurity is also intertwined with women’s exposure to domestic violence. The economic roles of women, especially as full-time unpaid caregivers, are associated with a higher likelihood of experiencing violence, as highlighted in a UN report.   Additionally, women with income experience a greater sense of safety and reduced perception of violence (except for those who out-earn their partners) — portraying the harmful power dynamics perpetuating femicides and gender based-violence and their connection to women’s economic dependence.   Consequently, we need to prioritise initiatives that enhance financial independence, providing women with the resources and support needed to escape abusive situations, such as shelters and other help centres: in 46 European countries, 3 087 shelters provide 39 130 beds for women and children, but because of capacity and space issues, it is impossible to provide accommodation for all those seeking help.   When looking at the emergence of femicide and gender-based violence, it is also important to acknowledge that racism amplifies the vulnerability of women and girls — particularly those from marginalised communities. In the context of femicides, racial dynamics intersect with gender-based violence, creating compounded challenges for women of colour. The Femicide Census, which documents women killed by men in the UK, reveals the ethnicity of only 22 out of 110 victims. This lack of data in the documentation of the victims’ ethnicity leads to insufficient conclusions and examinations, which disregard cultural circumstances, influences, as well as intercommunal disparities.   Experts suggest that women from ethnic minorities and indigenous groups may encounter discrimination due to factors like ethnicity, language and religion. This bias puts them at higher risk of various adversities, such as limited access to healthcare or higher risks of experiencing violence by strangers.   Finally, many women of colour fear engaging with the police in the first place due to concerns about discrimination or lack of support, hindering effective strategies to address the vulnerabilities faced by marginalised communities.   It is imperative that these issues extend to law enforcement. Legal and policy responses cannot be blind to structural inequalities that disproportionately affect marginalised communities. It is crucial to ensure that activist groups, NGOs overseeing femicide data processing, along with family members remembering victims and other stakeholders dismantling harmful narratives, gain increased visibility in the debate.   From Italy to South Africa to America, in recent years there have been major efforts by feminist movements, NGOs and international organisations to put femicides on the political agenda. But how successful have these movements been? As a study by the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) suggests, the prevention of femicide is closely linked to legal responses to domestic violence. A societal rethink makes up only one part of the equation — legal consequences and political implications must follow.   When looking at Italy’s recent implementations, one strong deficit becomes apparent immediately: the government’s spending on countering gender-based violence was more than doubled in the last decade, however, the femicide rate has remained stable. The reason for this is that a large amount of money is put towards the treatment of the victims instead of the prevention of femicides.   In South Africa, the opposite has happened: the South African National Assembly recently passed the Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Bill 2023. The legislation aims to enhance the criminal justice system’s response to gender-based violence through improved law enforcement, police training and legal processes.   At first glance, this seems to be a progressive implementation, however, the initial optimism of advocates, supporters and activists was quickly dampened: the South African Social Development Minister Lindiwe Zulu squandered 100 million rands meant to assist survivors of gender-based violence by mismanaging the allocated money and transferring funds to nonfunctional civil society organisations without GBVF mandates — an example for the gap between legislative intent and effective implementation in reality.   However, one thing is clear: we should never stop telling the stories of Giulia and Nombulelo and all the other women and girls around the globe who were brutally murdered. Their stories should lead to collective action, which demands not just sympathy but systemic change and constantly amplifies the voices of the silenced.   http://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/the-global-femicide-epidemic-7227 http://carnegieendowment.org/2024/02/12/kenyan-women-are-pushing-for-action-on-femicide.-they-have-road-map-pub-91607 http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/jan/18/femicide-in-kenya-a-national-crisis-say-rights-groups http://www.theguardian.com/society/femicide http://english.elpais.com/international/2023-11-25/more-than-3000-women-are-murdered-in-mexico-each-year-how-violence-affects-the-youngest-victims.html http://pulitzercenter.org/stories/mexicos-feminist-collectives-are-voice-women-whove-lost-theirs http://www.ohchr.org/en/stories/2023/07/were-here-tell-it-mexican-women-break-silence-over-femicides   http://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2023/11/gender-related-killings-of-women-and-girls-femicide-feminicide-global-estimates-2022 http://stories.undp.org/one-killing-every-11-minutes http://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/press-release/2023/11/press-release-un-women-calls-for-bold-investments-to-end-violence-against-women-in-light-of-new-report-showing-prevention-is-severely-underfunded Visit the related web page
	View more stories