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	Protect human rights defenders and journalists from harassment, intimidation and violence by United Nations News   13 August 2013   The United Nations today voiced concern about the recent arrest of a prominent human rights defender in Bangladesh and urged the Government to secure his immediate release.   Adilur Rahman Khan, the director of Odhikar, a well-known human rights organization in the country, was arrested at his home in the capital, Dhaka, on 10 August by plainclothes officers reportedly acting without a warrant, according to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).   “We are calling on the Government of Bangladesh to guarantee the physical and psychological integrity of Mr. Khan, whose arrest might be linked to his work as human rights defender,” OHCHR spokesperson Liz Throssell told reporters in Geneva.   She said Mr. Khan is reported to have been arrested under section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act, accused of publishing false information about violence by Government forces during demonstrations in May by the Islamist movement, Hefazat-e-Islami.   Odhikar reported that 61 people had died during these protests, challenging the Government’s version of events, noted Ms. Throssell.   She said that the day after his arrest, Mr. Khan was denied bail and ordered to be held on remand for five days.   “He was allegedly denied access to a lawyer before his court hearing,” she added.   2 August 2013   UN expert urges Belarus to release human rights activist Ales Bialiatski.   The Government of Belarus must “immediately and unconditionally” release human rights activist Ales Bialiatski, a United Nations independent expert urged today, calling on authorities to stop prosecuting rights defenders and journalists.   “Mr. Bialiatski is an internationally respected human rights defender; his engagement for human rights is well-known and broadly applauded,” said the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Republic of Belarus, Miklós Haraszti, adding that his detention is “a symbol of the repression against human rights defenders.”   Two years ago, Mr. Bialiatski, who is head of the Human Rights Center Viasna, was detained in the Belarusian capital, Minsk, on charges of tax evasion. He was later sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment with the confiscation of all his property, including assets registered to other persons. This judgment was upheld on appeal in 2012.   In addition to his work with Viasna, Mr. Bialiatski has been active is setting up the Belarusian Human Rights House in Vilnius, Lithuania, and became the Vice-President of the International Federation of Human Rights.   “As many other human rights defenders in Belarus, Mr. Bialiatski could not legally and without hindrance work, because of the refusal by Belarusian authorities to register his NGO [non-governmental organization],” the Special Rapporteur said, urging the Government to acknowledge human rights organizations in the country, and start cooperating with them to establish an independent national human rights institution as pledged in the nation"s commitments to the UN.   “The detention of Mr. Bialiatski is clearly a consequence of him continuing his not only legitimate but also legal work under international human rights law,” Mr. Haraszti underlined, and called upon the authorities to immediately and unconditionally release and rehabilitate Mr. Bialiatski and those incarcerated in violation of their human rights.   Mr. Haraszti had previously recommended this release in his June 2013 report to the UN Human Rights Council, following the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights similar call in her 2011 report on Belarus.   Earlier this year the Council had also called upon all States to ensure that the promotion and the protection of human rights are not criminalized, and human rights defenders are not prevented from enjoying universal human rights owing to their work.   “I urge the Belarusian authorities to protect human rights defenders and journalists from harassment, intimidation and violence as a result of their activities, and conduct prompt, impartial and thorough investigations, prosecution and punishment of any such acts,” said Mr. Haraszti, reiterating the recommendation made in his report, in line with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.   http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/SRHRDefenders/Pages/Declaration.aspx http://sos.escr-net.org/resources Visit the related web page
	How to reduce crime in the world"s most violent country by Mike Allison Associate professor in Political Science, University of Scranton   Aug 2013   An international commission against impunity could lower sky-high murder rates and thwart graft in Honduras.   Worsening drug trafficking, organised crime, corruption, institutional dysfunction and the deterioration of the country"s finances in the years since the June 2009 coup have made Honduras the most dangerous country in Latin America and the world when measured in terms of homicides per capita.   Recent reports have documented the murders of police officers, campesinos, lawyers, journalists, taxi drivers, homosexuals, democracy, land and human rights activists, and gang members.   Things have gotten so bad that a bomb was thrown at President Porfirio Lobo"s residence at the beginning of the month. To no one"s surprise, the perpetrator escaped without a trace. Days later, 17 people, including some women and children, were killed in a shootout between two alleged drug trafficking gangs. Three inmates died days after the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights published a report stating that inmates were running all of the country"s prisons.   While the announcement of a gang truce in May might help to provide some respite from the daily violence - though it hasn"t so far - Honduras and the international community might want to consider the creation of an independent, international body to support the country"s battle against organised crime"s infiltration of the state, similar to what exists in Guatemala. While Guatemala"s experiment has not been a total success, there have been several important improvements from which Honduras could benefit should it agree to a similar commission.   Progress in Guatemala   Honduras in 2013 is in some ways similar to 2006 Guatemala. Organised crime infiltrated the government. The police were outmanned, outgunned, and all too corrupt. Individual prosecutors and judges could not, or would not, do their jobs because they were corrupt, threatened or simply overwhelmed by the challenges. Congress did not provide the courts and the police with the legal means to prosecute crime. As a result, the Guatemalan government and the international community agreed to the creation of a unique hybrid domestic-international commission.   Since the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) began work in 2007, it has helped to solve a number of important crimes, including the 2009 murder-suicide of a prominent lawyer that nearly brought down the government, the 2011 homicide of Argentine folksinger Facundo Cabral, and the killings of 16 travelers from Nicaragua in 2008.   On Thursday, Guatemala"s High Risk Court convicted four men, including the former head of the police"s criminal investigation unit, of participating in the extrajudicial execution of 10 prisoners in 2005 and 2006. Given the court"s ruling, it now appears as if authorities will step up efforts to prosecute a former minister of the interior, former director of the police, former deputy director of criminal investigation of the police, former director of the prison system, and the former minister of national defence. In the judges ruling, they accepted that these men were present at the prison during the extrajudicial executions. The successful prosecution of these high-level figures would be one of CICIG and Guatemalan prosecutors most significant accomplishments.   More than 2,500 corrupt police officers have been removed from their jobs in Guatemala. While police corruption remains an ongoing problem and will be for some time, today"s police are better trained and equipped than they were before CICIG"s arrival. The government has opened investigations into 13 of 18 judges who CICIG identified as protecting criminal groups and corrupt officials from prosecution, and for making questionable rulings in favour of impunity. CICIG also provided several legal reform proposals and technical assistance to Congress to help it pass laws to strengthen the criminal justice system.   The work of Attorney General Claudia Paz y Paz and Judge Jasmin Barrios, who have received so much well-deserved national and international recognition, would not have been possible without CICIG"s direct and indirect support. Paz y Paz and her office"s ability to pursue high-profile charges against former presidents, money launderers, drug traffickers, and officials accused of extrajudicial execution is possible because of the environment that CICIG has helped create.   Judge Barrios, on the other hand, recently oversaw the conviction of Efrain Rios Montt on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity in the High Risk Court that CICIG helped establish. While the trial against Rios Montt is a sign of how far the justice system has progressed, the Constitutional Court"s reversal of the conviction on an alleged due process violation is a sign of how far Guatemala still has to travel. Rios Montt will most likely have another day in court next year.   When CICIG arrived, an estimated two percent of all murders resulted in convictions. Today, the conviction rate in Guatemala stands closer to 10 percent. Outgoing CICIG commissioner Francisco Dall"Anese recently claimed that impunity has fallen from 95 percent to 70 percent since its arrival. After peaking in 2009, homicides have decreased for three consecutive years. While the limited progress that Guatemala has experienced in recent years is not all the direct consequence of CICIG"s work, it has nevertheless played an important role. Guatemala is slightly better than it was before CICIG"s arrival and might have been in an even better condition had not the media, private sector, and certain government and non-government officials undermined its efforts.   Impunity in Honduras   Today, Honduras is in need of similar international support. Organised crime has infiltrated the government. Too many police and military are corrupt and trigger-happy. The political and economic elite continue to operate with impunity. The US government is being pressured to halt assistance to police units that report to Chief of Police Juan Carlos Bonilla, suspected of having ties to death squads. Instead, the US government has promised that police aid would only go to specially vetted units and that US officials would not work directly with Bonilla or with those directly beneath him in order to maintain "two degrees of separation".   But this is a disingenuous promise, because tehcnically all police units report to Bonilla. Instead, the US recently suspended all aid that it was providing to the unit responsible for vetting police because progress was too slow. However, the problem obviously goes beyond Bonilla. Eight former top-ranking police officials are also under investigation for alleged graft.   Twenty-one US senators expressed their reservations to Secretary of State John Kerry that the Honduran government was doing enough to ensure free speech, due process and the prosecution of authorities who commit human rights-related crimes. The US Congress had resumed some aid to the Honduran government only after the Obama administration had claimed there had been improvements in these areas. The US Congress was sceptical at the time and is even more so today.   Recently, the Honduran Congress investigated the health minister and the attorney general. The commissions created to oversee the two offices found corruption, waste and mismanagement in each division. The health minister and the attorney general both resigned before congress could act. However, the two officials claim they were singled out because of their battles against government corruption, which threatened other government officials.   It is nearly impossible to distinguish between politically inspired witch-hunts and honest, evidence-driven investigations and prosecutions of government and police officials.   A way forward   The Obama administration wants to assist the Honduran government and police in the fight against organised crime, corruption and drug trafficking. It is in both countries interests. However, the US does not appear to have a plan as to how to do so when there are so many police and government officials involved in illegal activities.   An international commission against impunity in Honduras would not be able to replicate the Guatemalan model, but it could provide a blueprint. It would be an international commission supported, staffed, and financed by the United Nations and not the US government. The commission would recommend to Honduras congress and executive branch reforms to the criminal justice system to reduce impunity. The commission would help vet police, prosecutors, and judges. Finally, the commission would provide needed protection, training and support to Honduran officials to investigate and prosecute crime.   Guatemala"s CICIG has not worked miracles. Even with three years of lower murder rates, it is still among the world"s highest. Impunity is lower but the chances of getting away with murder or corruption are still very high. And the two commissioners the UN has appointed to oversee CICIG have been run out of town by the country"s political and economic elite, some of whom fear losing their privileges. They never wanted CICIG there in the first place.   However, an anti-impunity commission could give the US, the international community, and the Honduran government and people an opportunity to improve the dire situation in Honduras. Such a proposal should be a key point of debate in the run up to November"s presidential election.   Given that the mandate of the international commission in Guatemala is set to expire in 2015 - prematurely, in my opinion - the international community and the Honduran government should transfer the skills and knowledge that have been so important to giving the Guatemalan people a fighting chance to Honduras so that they may have the same opportunity.   * Mike Allison is associate professor in the department at the University of Scranton in Pennsylvania. The views expressed are his own, published by Al Jazeera English.
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