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	Asia: A look at where journalists face renewed pressure by The Associated Press, agencies   March 2016   In many countries across Asia, governments are growing less tolerant of critical reporting, even arresting journalists and closing media outlets in some cases. In China, authorities recently removed an online story from a financial magazine about censorship — a taboo topic — while Thailand''s military junta has detained journalists for what it calls "attitude adjustment" and shut down TV and radio stations.   A look at how and where journalists are coming under renewed pressure:   CHINA: SETTING THE TONE   The ruling Communist Party has long exercised heavy-handed direction over news media, but recent events speak to a further tightening of ideological controls.   President and party leader Xi Jinping set the tone with visits in February to the official Xinhua News Agency, the party-controlled People''s Daily newspaper and state broadcaster CCTV. At each place, he stated that absolute loyalty to the party was the media''s highest priority.   Negative responses to Xi''s visit were censored on China''s once-vibrant social media. One outspoken critic, real estate magnate Ren Zhiqiang, had his accounts suspended. When Weibo, China''s hugely popular version of Twitter — which along with Facebook is blocked in China — first came out, people could post quite freely, but now controversial comments are quickly removed.   The pinch is being felt even at more market-driven newspapers, magazines and websites that, while still technically controlled by the state, had enjoyed more latitude in news reporting. In an Orwellian example, an article posted online by popular business and finance magazine Caixin was removed because it broached the taboo topic of censorship.   Most recently, more than a dozen editors and technicians have gone missing and are believed to be under investigation after an anonymous letter calling for Xi''s resignation was posted on a government-backed news portal. Dissident writers have been detained or their families in China harassed for criticizing the secret investigation. One writer said Monday that police were holding three of his siblings in retaliation for an article he wrote condemning the detention of a fellow writer.   — Christopher Bodeen and Didi Tang in Beijing   THAILAND: ATTITUDE ADJUSTMENT   A junta that took power in a 2014 coup has detained journalists for what it calls "attitude adjustment," shut TV and radio stations for perceived critical coverage of the government, banned press events and most recently tightened visa requirements for foreign reporters.   Under new measures announced last month, only journalists working for a registered news agency will be able to obtain or renew journalists visas, a move that press freedom groups say would bar some freelancers from working in the country.   Media freedom groups say the junta has used the pretext of maintaining peace and order, after years of political upheaval, to employ a massive campaign of censorship and intimidation in what was once considered a bastion of free press in Southeast Asia. Reporters Without Borders has called the crackdown "a blitzkrieg against freely reported news and information."   Thai journalists have faced a barrage of pressures over the past two years. One prominent editorial cartoonist from the Thai Rath newspaper was detained twice and warned he could be prosecuted if he continued to satirize the junta chief in his drawings. A senior writer for The Nation newspaper who was openly critical of the coup was detained twice and ultimately fired.   A few foreign reporters have had their visa applications denied since the junta took power, according to the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, which itself has had several events banned by the junta.   — Jocelyn Gecker in Bangkok   MALAYSIA: THE $700 MILLION SCANDAL   The government is cracking down on media as a financial scandal engulfs Prime Minister Najib Razak.   Two Australian TV journalists were briefly arrested this month after they tried to question Najib about the scandal during his visit to eastern Sarawak state. The duo were released and deported after the Australian government intervened.   At issue is more than $700 million deposited into Najib''s bank accounts in early 2013. Critics accuse him of corruption and say the money came from indebted state investment fund 1MDB, which he founded in 2009. The attorney-general has cleared him of wrongdoing, saying most of the money was a donation from Saudi''s royal family.   Malaysia''s government has also blocked some new websites, including popular news portal Malaysian Insider, over critical reports of the government. The portal, owned by the Edge Media Group, shut down recently, citing a loss of income caused by the government''s ban.   Last year, the government also suspended two newspapers under the Edge group over its coverage alleging corruption at 1MDB. The Edge challenged the government''s suspension in court and succeeded in getting the ban lifted.   http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/stories/2016/03/28/4431284.htm   — Eileen Ng in Kuala Lumpur   INDIA: HINDU HARDLINERS   Intimidation of journalists is nothing new in India, but it has taken on a new element under Prime Minister Narendra Modi''s Hindu nationalist government.   India, the world''s largest democracy, has a relatively free press, but the current BJP government has been criticized for not trying to stop fringe rightwing elements that threaten journalists and activists in the name of patriotism.   The host of a late February newscast on whether India had become intolerant of dissent became a target of intimidation herself after one of her guests referred to a pamphlet that called the Hindu goddess Durga a sex worker. Sindhu Sooryakumar was bombarded with more than 2,500 threatening calls accusing her of disparaging the deity. Six members of a militant group linked with the BJP have been arrested.   During a court hearing for a university student charged with sedition for allegedly making anti-India statements, lawyers beat reporters and damaged cameras and recording equipment while demanding they not cover public protests against the student''s arrest. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley condemned the violence, saying "it was a terrible exception."   Sujata Madhok, secretary-general of the Delhi Union of Journalists, accused the BJP of targeting Muslim and Christian religious minorities and the underprivileged Dalits. "The BJP would like people to believe it''s the handiwork of the party''s fringe elements, but the fringe elements appear to be occupying the center-stage."   The previous Congress Party government was accused of paying lip service to minorities, but it kept Hindu hardliners in check. That''s not necessarily the case now.   — Ashok Sharma in New Delhi   JAPAN: TIGHTENING THE SCREWS?   A public warning by the communications minister in February that broadcasters could have their licenses revoked if coverage isn''t politically fair is seen by many as the latest attempt to pressure journalists to toe the government line.   The government under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has strengthened its strategy to get official views prominently reflected in both domestic and foreign media on defense, World War II history and other divisive issues. Officials complain to journalists about coverage they consider biased, while Abe gives exclusive interviews to selected media, often those sharing his views.   Media watchers say Japanese media traditionally practices self-restraint to avoid trouble with officials in a cozy "press club" environment, weakening their commitment to serve as watchdog and resist pressure or favors. Heads of major media companies regularly dine with Abe.   However, the communications minister''s statements that TV licenses could be revoked have triggered outrage from some prominent journalists, who say they violate freedom of the press and intimidate the media.   The recent resignations of three outspoken newscasters have fueled speculation of government pressure, although the three say they were not pressed to resign.   — Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo   http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/05/on-world-press-freedom-day-a-view-from-asia/   Journalists in Pakistan Unite to Fight Violence Against Media, by Owais Aslam Ali   Pakistan is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. Media personnel are targeted by militants; religious, ethnic, and separatist groups; intelligence and law enforcement agencies; and even mainstream political parties. The country—a frontline state for almost four decades—suffers from a polarized society and a culture of intolerance. As rule of law is not well established, perpetrators of violence against media enjoy near absolute impunity, seriously undermining freedom of expression.   Since 2001, the Pakistan Press Foundation has documented 405 cases of violence against media personnel, including 49 murders, 269 assaults, and 42 abductions and detentions. Given this dire state of affairs, it was shocking that the media companies themselves were not working collectively for the safety of media professionals.   Launched in December 2015, the Editors for Safety (EfS) initiative has improved news coverage of violence against Pakistani media professionals. Comprised of the country’s leading editors, publishers, and media owners, EfS’s philosophy is that an attack on one media professional or organization should be considered an attack on the entire Pakistani media.   Zaffar Abbas, founding chairman of EfS and editor of leading English-language daily newspaper Dawn, explaining the reasons behind creating this initiative, says that when a journalist was targeted, it was a big story for his or her media organization but covered—if at all—as a routine story by the others. Most papers would not even mention the name of the media outlet that was attacked. “There was a realization that the reason media outlets were not able to speak with one voice was their commercial interests, and this lack of unity had become a huge problem for the safety of journalists,” he adds.   Thus, editors and directors of leading newspapers and television channels met in Istanbul in June 2015 to discuss the safety of Pakistani media. They came to the conclusion that, despite their different editorial lines and the fact that competing in a difficult market led them to disagree on many issues, they could agree on the common goal of responding to the growing threats against them. Then and there, they decided to unite for safety. The participants tasked Abbas with consulting the other editors to establish an effective mechanism to promote media safety. The result was Editors for Safety.   Abbas is satisfied with the progress EfS has made in just a few months. “No one in the journalistic fraternity in Pakistan could believe that an attack on a media house would be breaking news in media groups that are fierce competitors,” he beams. In a break from previous norms, television channels and newspapers now routinely highlight attacks on other organizations and journalists, regardless of the outlet.   The second major success has been real-time coordination of editors and directors whenever journalists are attacked or threatened. A powerful example of this was when Siddique Baloch, editor of the Baluchistan Express, sent a message to the group that armed men had broken into the house of journalist Afzal Mughal in Quetta and abducted him after kicking and punching him in front of his wife and children. Abbas sent an urgent appeal to television channels to highlight the issue until Mughal’s safe return. “Critical at this point is to make every effort not only to save his life, but also to protect him from possible torture,” said the message sent by Abbas. The media responded with breaking news, tickers, and updates. Within hours, Mughal was released and back with his family.   Less dramatic but equally important are the exchanges between the group’s editorial leadership every time media are threatened. These include acting as a unified front in a number of cases, such as when Islamic State militants threw grenades at offices of media outlets and fired on mobile television crews. These discussions are helping to create an informal understanding around editorial issues, such as how to avoid giving coverage to hoaxes and rumors of attacks or bomb threats.   Abbas feels that much more needs to be done, however. “While these are important first steps, the ultimate ambition is to end violence against media and the culture of impunity,” he says.   One area of weakness is the lack of follow-up coverage of cases of violence against journalists. After the initial media attention, which usually lasts about a week, cases are typically forgotten, with no coverage of investigations or prosecutions in the courts. Thus, the authorities feel little pressure to bring the perpetrators to justice. One of the goals, therefore, of EfS is to ensure that sustained coverage—and attention by the media community—can place further pressure on authorities to address this growing impunity.   Abbas believes it is the responsibility of the government to ensure a safe environment for the media to function without fear. This will only be possible if the media acts with one voice to respond to incidents of violence.   - Owais Aslam Ali is secretary general of the Pakistan Press Foundation.   http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/journalists-pakistan-unite-fight-violence-against-media/ Visit the related web page
	In the world’s poorest countries, cities could be the test for the Sustainable Development Goals by Gordon McGranahan, Cyril Obi IIED, Steps Centre, UN Chronicle   In the world’s poorest countries, cities could be the test for the Sustainable Development Goals, by Gordon McGranahan.   The UN’s 2030 Agenda presents a dazzling array of Sustainable Development Goals, claims they are integrated and indivisible, and pledges that no one will be left behind. From the vantage point of the world’s poorest countries the targets behind these goals might seem almost surreal. Growth in GDP per capita needs to be 7% a year or more in the “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs), even as inequalities are being reduced, and radical social and environmental targets are being achieved.   Really? Despite the fact that these LDCs will be in the midst of urban transitions that in wealthier countries were accompanied by rising inequalities and large scale environmental degradation? Are the countries of the world really uniting to help LDCs to implement these goals, or cynically just cheering on a futile endeavour, wherein the LDCs are meant to achieve the most with the least or be judged failures?   Despite the assertion that they are indivisible, the SDG targets look suspiciously like prizes you can only win and take home one of: Do you want 7 per cent economic growth per capita? Or would you rather get your consumption-based environmental burdens under control? Or how about providing everyone, including the poorest, with adequate water and sanitation? Ask experts and advocates how the goals they are associated with are to be achieved, and they will explain, but give as a condition that the other goals be de-prioritised.   These trade-offs stand out especially in the world’s poor countries, where the targets the most far reaching and urbanisation and urban growth are at their most rapid. It is in the expanding towns and cities of the LDCs that the 2030 agenda will either get torn apart or patched together. As a recent IDS report outlines, cities and urbanisation can contribute greatly to development goals, but much of their potential contribution is squandered.   The urbanisation rate is the rate of growth in the share of the population that is urban. These estimates show urban growth rates and urbanisation rates in decline, but declining more slowly and from a higher starting point in the Least Developed Countries, with urban growth rates about three times those of other developing countries by the middle of the twenty-first century. Much of their urban growth is due to rapid overall population growth. Rural-urban migration accounts for a large share of urbanisation, but urbanisation accounts for less than half of LDC urban growth.   Some are tempted to discourage urbanisation, and may argue that this will lower urban population growth rates and help towns and cities to provide their growing populations with the urban facilities they need, enabling them to match the aspirations of the SDGs.   This would indeed involve a radical transformation. But in the past only the most draconian policies have managed to put a serious dent in urbanisation trends. Most attempts by cities to discourage growth really just involve planning for the population they want, rather than the population they are going to have. And there is no reason to think future efforts to resist migration and growth will help achieve the development goals.   Indeed, the radical transformation needed is in the opposite direction: welcoming urbanisation, and grappling with the challenges it poses. A big implementation challenge is reconciling the goals and targets in the SDGs. For Least Developed Countries, there are some principles which would help to reconcile and integrate these targets in their ever-growing cities.   Inclusive urbanisation: More inclusive urbanisation requires, among other things, planning for – and, perhaps more importantly, planning by and with – the growing low-income urban populations in urbanising countries. Inclusion can contribute to both economic and social goals, and managed well can help in the design more sustainable cities. This requires a major shift in approach, and one that cities will be hesitant to follow without more support from national governments and others. But without more inclusive urbanisation and cities, inter-goal conflict is likely to become intractable.   Decentralisation policies have not always succeeded in making local governments more accountable to urban citizens, let alone to aspiring migrants. Indeed, some forms of decentralisation have pushed cities to compete to attract investment, and keep out people with poor economic prospects. A more strategic decentralisation is needed if cities are to achieve social and environmental as well as economic goals.   Informal settlements and informal economies have their problems, but formalising them by again trying to enforce the regulations that helped to create them makes matters worse. In many cities and towns a majority of the population lives in informal settlements, and the majority of workers are in the informal economy. But even where the shares are much smaller, those dependent on informality need to have a say and benefit from formalisation. Well managed formalisation should also benefit the overall economy and the capacity to mitigate environmental burdens.   The pursuit of well-being. Economic growth can be critical, but should not be viewed as a goal in itself. Improving human wellbeing, now and into the future, needs to become a more central and measured goal if cities are to facilitate the pursuit of economic, social and environmental goals in a unified way.   Does the importance of cities and urbanisation that rural development is a secondary issue? Not at all. More inclusive rural development is also critical. That should also ease the pressure on urban areas. But trying to keep people from moving to cities is a poor basis for rural policy – and an even worse basis for urban policy.   As the Sustainable Development Goals begin to be implemented, the cities and towns of LDCs may prove to be the places where they are most severely tested. Hopefully they will also prove to be the places where the most grounded and integrated responses are forthcoming.   http://steps-centre.org/2016/blog/in-the-worlds-poorest-countries-cities-could-be-the-test-for-the-sustainable-development-goals/ http://www.iied.org/reimagining-development-ldcs-what-role-for-sdgs http://www.iied.org/least-developed-countries-ldc-challenges-how-can-sdg-implementation-focus-transformation   The Scope and Limits of Humanitarian Action in Urban Areas of the Global South, by Cyril Obi. (UN Chronicle)   Our rapidly globalizing and urbanizing world presents a host of complex challenges for humanity and the living environment. These developments pose threats to, as well as opportunities for, ongoing and future humanitarian action. Rather than be limited by unprecedented changes in the global South, for example, where cities are growing at record rates, humanitarian action should, in the future, be at the forefront of new approaches to reimagining and redesigning just and sustainable human settlements.   As we approach the first World Humanitarian Summit, to be held in Istanbul in May 2016, the world urgently seeks an agenda for humanitarian action that will address the various vulnerabilities associated with urbanization. Nearly 50 per cent of the world’s population, or an estimated 3.5 billion people, already live in urban areas, with projections suggesting an increase to 70 per cent by 2050. With the majority of the fastest-growing cities located in the global South, the future of urban areas in an increasingly globalized economy and networked society assumes greater significance when we take into account the scale of vulnerabilities associated with natural phenomena and human-induced processes.   The future demands solutions to urban crises of unprecedented scale and impact, which are likely to pose formidable challenges for humanitarian organizations and developing communities, as well as urban planners and dwellers. How can we best address growing vulnerabilities within the continuum of disaster prevention and response based on current urban institutional, governance and structural mechanisms? What actions are likely to prevent the reoccurrence of urban disasters? Through which kinds of creative solutions, new social movements and political coalitions can we best confront and address emerging problems?   How can we apply lessons learned from dealing with recent natural disasters, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, climate change-related flooding and droughts, which have contributed to worsening living conditions for large swaths of humanity in coastal cities across Africa, Asia, Oceania and South America?   While urbanization is one of the results of accelerated human mobility and the search for better opportunities, life in cities may be under threat from the effects of climate change, as well as poor governance and violence, which often arise following large-scale conflict. Since the end of the cold war, the world has experienced new forms of conflict involving State and non-State actors, targeting the most vulnerable civilian populations and turning cities into zones of refuge as well as zones of active warfare. Cities such as Bangui, Beirut, Goma, Maiduguri, Mogadishu, Mumbai, Nairobi and Tripoli have suffered some of the worst consequences of these “new” wars, including terrorist attacks in urban areas, while also hosting a steady stream of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) from war-ravaged hinterlands and neighbouring countries. The destruction and post-conflict reconstruction of cities, leading to displacement and massive waves of migration across borders, test the very limits of survival, resilience, creativity and humanity itself.   According to recent studies, over 35 million people were displaced by violent conflict within their countries in 2014, with similar numbers seeking refuge abroad. Many of the world’s refugees and IDPs remain in refugee and IDP camps in urban areas, some of which are already blighted by poor planning, overcrowding, and lack of social services, amenities and jobs. This is the situation in cities such as Baghdad, Damascus, Goma, Juba, Kinshasa and Maiduguri, among others.   Urbanization in the global South also contends with high levels of inequality, criminality, unemployment and poverty, leading to the marginalization of vast numbers of people and contributing to high levels of social disharmony and political instability. The scope of the challenge facing humanitarian action in the context of the growing urban crisis in the global South is immense. As noted in the report of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the World Humanitarian Summit, entitled One Humanity: Shared Responsibility, “rapid unplanned urbanization combined with natural hazards, pandemics and aerial bombardments are placing even more people at risk”.   The situation with regard to the ongoing urban crises in the global South can be characterized as “urbanization without development”. Breaking the current impasse with humanitarian action in that part of the world requires an understanding of decades of failed and misplaced urban development planning. The growth of cities has in many cases outpaced or overwhelmed planning capacities, leaving authorities unprepared to deal with exploding urban populations and placing urban dwellers at great risk in the face of mounting pressures and unpredictable disasters.   An agenda for change will require that humanitarian action be based on the recognition of the equal rights of citizens. Transcending the current urban crisis calls for new and innovative ideas, and bridging the gaps between the knowledge and practice of urbanization and equitable development. This will also involve working with urban planners at the municipal and national levels, as well as regional and global actors. A new foundation must be laid by mainstreaming urbanization into participatory national development planning.   Many have called for interdisciplinary and integrated approaches to pre-emptive plans designed to deal with natural and human-induced urban disasters and crises. Such measures would have to connect national efforts to a worldwide commitment to building socioeconomic bulwarks against inequality, poverty, corruption, youth unemployment and marginalization, and other vulnerabilities underlying urban crises.   An alternate future lies in actions directed towards building and recreating more egalitarian, secure and liveable urban settings in the global South. It also calls for equal access to efficiently delivered sanitation, adequate and sustainable shelter, clean water, good education, health care and security. It is time for a new global impetus that goes beyond the usual rhetorical and short-term, technocratic “fixes”, which tend to be elitist and exclusionary. Lessons from the past century make it clear that urban development in the global South is fundamentally a people’s rights issue.   We should embrace a holistic, humanistic approach in taking actions that exhibit a new awareness of what is really at stake: the future of human existence and civilization. The world stands at a critical juncture, at which the present and future of our cities ultimately depend on outcomes across the global South. The time to chart a new, people-centred course for humanitarian action is now upon us.   http://unchronicle.un.org/article/scope-and-limits-humanitarian-action-urban-areas-global-south/
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