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	Police violence and Non-violent Protest by PRIO, France 24   Nov. 2020   Police Brutality and Nonviolent Protest: The Case of Nigeria, by Bintu Zahara Sakor, for the Peace Research Institute Oslo. (PRIO)   In the past weeks, the Nigerian city of Lagos had been rocked by numerous youth-led protests against police brutality by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, also known as SARS. These protests which started peacefully turned deadly with numerous reports accusing the Nigerian police officers of shooting the demonstrators, resulting in at least 10 deaths and dozens more wounded.   Created as a special branch of the Nigerian Police force in 1992, SARS has been tasked to deal with firearms and robbery related crimes. However, over the recent years, the group has become highly controversial due to its association with violent acts such as extrajudicial killings, torture and other illegal activities. A report published by Amnesty International in June 2020 revealed a pattern of abuse of power and human rights violations. The reports highlighted at least 28 cases of torture, extra-judicial execution and ill treatments of civilians between January 2017 and May 2020 by officers belonging to SARS.   The Nigerian authorities’ failure to bring the perpetrators to justice not only enraged people, but soon, thousands of youth led people to take to the streets in cities across the country with “#EndSARS” banners; clearly voicing their grievances and dissatisfaction with the current government’s handling of the situation.   Despite the Nigerian government denouncing the group in October 11, the continued protests highlight that this is not the only issue youth are dissatisfied with.   Youth Bulge, Unemployment and Conflicts   With over 60 percent of its population under the age of 25, many sub-Saharan African states continue to face tremendous challenges in meeting the demands of their populations’ largest share.   Across the region, poverty and youth unemployment, for both genders in sub-Saharan Africa is among the highest in the world. With limited general opportunities combined with poorly developed educational infrastructures and vocational trainings that meet the needs of the informal labour market, many young people are left unemployed and are at risk of being recruited by regional terrorist groups. The current situation in Nigeria perfectly demonstrates this.   As Africa’s most populous nation, more than 60% of Nigeria’s roughly 200 million population constitutes youth under the ages of 25, a trend which is expected to continue in the coming years. Youth unemployment and lack of opportunity to access basic services such as good education and healthcare remains a challenge faced by most of the country’s large youth cohort.   The combination of population growth, economic and political exclusion has resulted in the country, especially its Northern region, experiencing a surge in terrorist attacks undertaken by various Islamist Jihadist groups operating cross-borders (e.g. Boko Haram). These attacks have resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians and further economic deprivation of people within this region.   Economic Stagnation, COVID-19 and the Role of Social Media   As if the existing stagnated economic situation wasn’t enough, the coronavirus pandemic has also exacerbated the poor economic conditions across the West African region, and devasted the hope of harnessing the region’s economic growth led by its youth working forces. For example, as a result of the pandemic, African Development Bank claims that West Africa’s economic growth which was expected to expand by 4% in 2020 is now projected to contract by 2% and could potentially decline by as much as 4.3%.   The magnitude of the devastation caused by this pandemic has various socio-economic, political and security implications. Recently, the Nigerian government statistics revealed that around 40% or more of the population lived in extreme poverty, and this condition is expected to worsen because of the global coronavirus pandemic.   Meanwhile, the important role played by social media in this protest cannot be understated. What began as peaceful street protests has not only resulted with the ending of a notorious group seen as a tool used by the elites to crackdown on the majority poor, but it has also encouraged the Nigerian youth to demand for wider political and economic inclusion.   It is important to note that with the government agreeing to disband SARS and adapt new police reforms, many will interpret this outcome as protests succeeding with its main objective. However, how will this translate into fruitful political dialogues between President Buhari and the country’s youth?   Such a dialogue resulting in further peaceful resolutions and long-term improved economic conditions for the Nigerian youth remains to be seen.   http://blogs.prio.org/2020/11/police-brutality-and-nonviolent-protest-the-case-of-nigeria/ http://www.prio.org/Projects/   20 Nov. 2020   Armed men in T-shirts enforcing the law raise fears of election violence in Uganda, a report from France 24.   Uganda this week witnessed its worst violence in a decade when demonstrators took to the streets to protest opposition presidential candidate Bobi Wine’s arrest. The ferocity of the violence and the state’s use of armed plainclothes militias raised alarm bells as President Yoweri Museveni, Africa’s longest-serving leader, faces a popular challenger in the January election.   The video clip, recorded from a family car packed with audibly panicking members on the outskirts of the Ugandan capital, Kampala, documents 45 seconds of raw human terror.   “These guys are shooting,” says a female voice inside the car while through the windshield, young men in T-shirts and jeans can be seen wielding automatic rifles on the street.   The panic mounts as the armed men start shooting wantonly into the air thick with teargas. “What?! Jesus!” cries the woman. “Mummy, mummy, I’m very scared,” whimpers the woman as the heavyset gunman shoots into the distance at chest level.   The video clip, posted on Twitter by leading Ugandan human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo, was just one of many disturbing images circulating on social media sites on Thursday as plainclothes and uniformed security officers shot demonstrators protesting the arrest of Ugandan opposition leader Bobi Wine, killing at least 37 people.   “In the last couple of days we have begun to see very unusual things in this country: individuals driving private cars, wielding guns and shooting indiscriminately at anybody they see on the streets. These signs are extremely worrying,” said Opiyo in an interview with FRANCE 24 on Friday. “We believe the government has been hiring paramilitary militia in the guise of maintaining law and order.”   The video, Opiyo noted, was shot on Thursday by a colleague who wished to remain anonymous. “We have seen many like this online yesterday, but I can vouch for this video because I know the person who shot it,” he said.   Election season can be a particularly fraught time in Uganda. But this time, the violence started early and with a ferocity that raised alarm bells, exposing the high political stakes for President Museveni.   Mr. Museveni is running for re-election in the January 2021 polls after the country’s election commission on November 2 cleared the incumbent’s bid to extend his 34-year rule.   Since Mr. Museveni took power in 1986 after ousting a military government, the 76-year-old rebel soldier-turned-president has never lost a single election in his political career.   But he faces a serious threat next year from Wine, a 38-year-old musician-turned-politician.   Uganda’s “ghetto president”, as he’s popularly known, has captured the imagination of many voters and electrified his primarily young fan base with his fearless calls for Museveni to step down.   Wine – whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu – was arrested earlier this week and charged with flouting Covid-19 restrictions. Following Thursday’s violence – the country’s worst unrest in a decade – he was freed on bail on Friday and is due to appear in court again on December 18.   Speaking to journalists after his release, a weary-looking Wine sounded defiant. “Let Museveni know that we are not slaves and we shall not accept to be slaves,” he said. “We shall be free.”   Wine’s characteristic displays of defiance following his frequent arrests have turned into a familiar feature on the Ugandan political scene since he was elected to parliament in 2017.   Following a 2018 spell in jail, Wine was allowed to travel to the US for medical treatment for injuries sustained during his incarceration.   But if Uganda’s ruling party members harboured secret hopes that this young, green parliamentarian could be intimidated into staying on in the US, those dreams were soon dashed. Following his treatment, the crowd-gathering thorn in Museveni’s side returned to his homeland, vowing not to be intimidated. “I am a free Ugandan with the right to move freely in my country," he declared upon arrival.   Wine’s latest arrest was the second in barely a month. On November 3, he was detained shortly after filing his presidential candidacy. After being blocked from going to his offices, Wine was taken to his residence, where he addressed his supporters, displaying his torn suit jacket and pointing to injuries sustained by some of his associates during the arrest.   But while Wine’s detentions are not new, the public reaction to his arrest this week caught experts and human rights defenders by surprise.   “Museveni’s hold on power has been achieved by visiting violence, intimidation, corruption and bribery – this is not new,” said Opiyo. “What’s new is the level of reaction from the public.”   Wine’s arrest on Wednesday triggered immediate protests in Kampala and quickly spread to other towns across the East African nation. By late Wednesday, the Red Cross said it had treated dozens of injured, including 11 people for gunshot wounds. By Thursday night, the situation had deteriorated, with shop windows broken and looted, and youths burning tyres on the streets, demanding Wine’s release.   Ugandan police maintain their forces were containing rioters who were targeting people who did not support Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) party.   "What we have seen in the last few days, that is violence, vandalism, looting, intimidation and threats, are crimes that were being committed [against] people who are not pro-NUP," said police spokesman Fred Enanga. "This is not something that we can tolerate."   While admitting the situation had turned “very intense”, Opiyo noted that the disproportionate and indiscriminate use of force by security officers had exacerbated the violence.   “There’s no doubt the brutality of the security agencies was met with unruly conduct by people who were outraged and using every means to express their outrage,” said Opiyo.   In a country mired in poverty and youth unemployment, public anger has been mounting against an ageing, governing clique that has arbitrarily deployed security officials to uphold the law as they see fit.   While Wine was arrested for flouting coronavirus restrictions, members of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement party have held packed campaign events in recent weeks that have been peacefully secured by law enforcement officials.   "Coronavirus restrictions are being used as an excuse for violent repression of the opposition and to give added advantage to the ruling party,” said Opiyo. “This is about using Covid to obtain political advantage.”   The use of armed plainclothes men on Thursday has also terrified the citizenry, adding to insecurity fears in the run-up to the January 15 elections.   “This is not the first time we have seen them on the streets, often times they work alongside uniformed security personnel,” explained Opiyo. “But since they are government employed individuals, it’s often difficult to hold them to account.”   While the mysterious gunmen in T-shirts are allowed to “control the street” with impunity, human rights defenders in Uganda are bracing for a particularly intimidating campaign season.   A day after posting the posting the video clip and other images of armed men in civilian clothes, Opiyo admitted he was concerned for his safety as well as the safety of other human rights defenders and civil society activists in Uganda.   “I slept in my office last night because I got word that I was being trailed. They are very unhappy that I’m posting these updates. Two days ago, civil society activists were stopped in their car, and taken out and beaten, journalists are being beaten, any group that questions the authorities are being brutalised,” said Opiyo. “I don’t feel safe, but this is my home and I’m not going anywhere.”   http://www.france24.com/en/africa/20201120-armed-men-in-t-shirts-enforce-the-law-raise-election-violence-fears-in-uganda http://globalvoices.org/2021/01/13/social-media-blackout-violent-crackdown-on-opposition-ahead-of-presidential-elections-in-uganda http://www.ipsnews.net/2021/01/in-zimbabwe-there-is-freedom-of-speech-but-no-freedom-after-the-speech/ Visit the related web page
	1000 Dreams. About refugees, by refugees by Robin Hammond Witness Change   1000 Dreams seeks to change prevailing refugee narratives through a storytelling project that tells the stories of 1000 refugees across Europe.   1000 Dreams is entirely authored by storytellers with a refugee background.   Refugees are often depicted as invading hordes threatening European identity and placing unsustainable burdens on social services.   Those more sympathetic to refugees, on the other hand, regularly represent them as helpless and hopeless victims.   These portrayals often focus on the trauma experienced in home countries. Many overlook the deplorable conditions in which refugees live in Europe, and the second class treatment they are subject to in the countries now hosting them – which can cause damaging and long-lasting impacts.   Because of the limits of page space and air time in the media, refugee stories often become stereotypes – one, or a few, stories are meant to represent the many.   These narratives often don’t take into account the huge diversity of refugee experiences. These narratives form attitudes that affect policies and practices that, at best, are not as effective as they could be, and at worst, can have severe negative impacts on the lives of refugees.   For attitudes, policies and practices to change, the narrative must change.   For the narrative to change, the lives of refugees have to be authentically represented – their voices must be heard.   The 1000 interviews, conducted entirely by storytellers with a refugee background, amplify the voices of refugees and open a door to their misunderstood and misrepresented world.   Interviews provide insights into the individual lives of refugees and the emotional impact of current policies and attitudes.   Supporting refugees to document the stories of other refugees allows opportunities for dialogue that isn’t influenced by prevailing narratives.   For host communities to listen, they must identify with the refugees – to no longer see them as a homogeneous group of outsiders, but as individuals with hopes, needs and dreams similar to their own.   The portraits of 1000 refugees personalise the refugees – they become individuals to whom the audience can relate.   1000 Dreams changes the prevailing narratives through a project that photographs and tells the stories of 1000 refugees across Europe.   http://1000dreamsproject.com/ Visit the related web page
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