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Civil Society Communique to G7 Countries in Hiroshima, Japan by C7, WFP, Crisis Group, agencies May 2023 C7 Civil Society Communique to G7 Countries meeting in Hiroshima, Japan in May 2023 Design and Implement Sustainable Policies for Peace, Prosperity, and Transparency - Tomoko Watanabe, Hiroki Matsubara, Mariko Kinai for C7 group. When G7 leaders meet in Hiroshima, the first city attacked by a nuclear weapon 78 years ago, they should be reminded of the unjustifiably costly price of confrontation, conflict and nuclear weapons and why investment in peacebuilding, conflict prevention, condemning nuclear weapon threats and strengthening the rule of law needs to be prioritised. Choosing competition and ‘hard’ politics over collaboration, solidarity and dialogue is a dangerous path which is wasting our limited resources and capacity needed to address the interlinked problems facing the world. Humanity stands on the precipice of multiple, multi-layered, protracted and intersecting crises with potentially catastrophic consequences exacerbated by social and economic inequalities and disparities, unsustainable economic growth and development, waste of resources, climate change, conflict and recent COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, ongoing and often forgotten conflicts, proxy wars, disinformation campaigns and the war that followed Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have set the world on the perilous path of polarisation and geopolitical confrontation. The state of polycrises has exposed the fragile global health system, unequal access to public goods, broken food system, gender inequalities, suffocating debt, and ill-equipped global institutions. All of this jeopardises the realisation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, slows down our collective progress in delivering on the Paris agreement agenda and more importantly – disproportionately affects the world’s poorest and most marginalised. None of this can be solved unilaterally or by one section of society alone. And, the traditional western-centric approach will not solve any of this either. We are concerned about the emerging regional alliances and new minilateralism which may undermine efforts to address global challenges through an equitable multilateral approach. Instead, the G7 has the tremendous responsibility to embrace multilateralism and international law, refuse double-standards, be guided by global solidarity and justice, lead and support reforms of global financial institutions repurposing them as inclusive, effective, transparent and well-resourced multilateral instruments fit for 21st century needs and challenges, uphold the principles of democracy and human rights, and condemn racism, and encourage meaningful participation of youth in decision-making. It’s time for urgent and bold action and to be accountable to the affected people across the world. This is why the Hiroshima Summit must be ‘AAA’ rated – 'Ambition, Action, Accountability' thus demonstrating fulfilment of the responsibilities attached to the privileges of global political and economic powers. According to the most recent IPCC report, we are literally running out of time to prevent catastrophic consequences due to global warming, therefore G7 countries representing about a third of global GDP and producing 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions have both responsibility and opportunity to show bold leadership spearheading transition to green and sustainable economies and lifestyles achieving net zero goals and respecting planetary boundaries, which includes reduction of consumption especially in the Global North and recognition of limits of growth as per neoliberal capitalist model. Also, in the name of fairness and justice, G7 countries should support low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) in their transition to green and sustainable economies providing generous concessional climate finance both for loss and damage, and adaptation. G7 countries should demonstrate moral courage and political will to choose solidarity and justice over competition and recognise their historic responsibility to mobilise all possible resources and capacity addressing the root causes of unsustainable global economic system thus reducing the need for humanitarian assistance, establishing ‘responsible and sustainable business’ as the new normal, minimising reliance on fossil fuels, fixing global food and health systems, reducing conflict and respecting legally binding obligations for nuclear disarmament. The current global economic slowdown, inflation and the cost-of-living crisis hits the poorest, the weakest, and the vulnerable hardest. The rise of inequalities, between and within countries, as well as the loss of hope in a better future, challenges trust and social cohesion, the foundations of democratic societies, including in the G7. Investments in universal social protection is urgently needed to protect people from crises, mitigate the impact of shocks and foster a just transition to carbon neutral economy that reduces inequalities. Universal social protection is key to guarantee fundamental human rights. A Global Fund for Social Protection can become a unique tool to construct safety nets and strengthen social protection systems in many vulnerable circumstances. The C7 represents the public conscience, public concern, and public advocacy to develop a world which works for people and the planet. Civil society acting in public interest is one of the key stakeholders without which we will not be able to address global challenges effectively and sustainably, therefore the C7 calls on the G7 to utilise their global influence and voice in protecting human rights, democratic governance and civic space, maintaining open societies, and defending freedom of speech both at home and internationally. In addition, the C7 affirms that in this context prioritisation of the needs of vulnerable populations, women and girls, children, youth, persons with disabilities, and the elderly is critical. As the C7, we are committed to use the Hiroshima Summit and the G7 platform to demonstrate CSO’s distinctive role in holding governments to account and offering solutions to speed up progress towards to the realisation of the 2030 Agenda and climate commitments for a fair, sustainable, and equitable development for all. This C7 Communique reflects the joint position of over 700 civil society representatives from 72 countries involved in six Working Groups: Nuclear Disarmament; Climate and Environmental Justice; Economic Justice and Transformation; Global Health; Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict; and Open and Resilient Societies. The positive synergies and constructive dialogue between civil societies and governments is the only way to overcome the aforementioned crises and civil society across the globe is willing and eager to work together with governments and all relevant stakeholders to design and implement sustainable policies for peace and prosperity.. * Access the full statement (28pp): http://bit.ly/3McHiCt http://civil7.org/news/726/ http://civil7.org/ May 2023 WFP calls on G7 to keep focus on hunger as crises in Sudan, Haiti and Sahel add to global food crisis The G7’s commitment to global food security in 2022 must be maintained in 2023 as new crises in Sudan, Haiti and the Sahel push more people into hunger, the UN World Food Programme said today, just days before G7 leaders were due to meet in Japan. At least 345 million people are currently facing high levels of food insecurity, according to WFP analysis, an increase of almost 200 million since early 2020. Of these, 43 million are just one step away from famine. Meanwhile, WFP has recently been forced to cut food rations in operations in Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Palestine as needs outpace available funding. More cuts are looming in Somalia and Chad. “Last year, G7 humanitarian funding support achieved life-saving results in the fight against hunger. Millions of people received much needed support and countries like Somalia were pulled back from the brink of famine. Unfortunately, the global food crisis hasn’t gone away. And situations like Sudan and Haiti are adding fuel to the fire,” said new WFP Executive Director Cindy McCain. Fighting in Sudan has displaced hundreds of thousands of people and pushed millions into hunger. WFP estimates that between 2 and 2.5 million additional people will become acutely food insecure in coming months as a direct result of ongoing fighting, taking the total in the country to a record 19 million. In Haiti, hunger is tightening its grip as insecurity, violence and deepening economic woes drive food insecure Haitians further into crisis. A record 4.9 million people in the country are estimated to be facing acute hunger, around 45% of the population. Similarly, in the Sahel region of Africa, new outbreaks of violence in places such as Burkina Faso are driving hunger among fleeing populations as well as those whose lives and livelihoods have been upended by conflict. WFP calls on G7 countries to continue funding food assistance for the hundreds of millions of people affected by the global food crisis and the millions new to hunger since last year. It is also calling for political support for other actions which would help ease the crisis These include working for the continuation of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, ensuring adequate supplies of fertilizer and supporting programmes to increase smallholder farmers’ production. Longer term requests centre on the need to make vulnerable populations more resilient. They include a renewed focus on social protection for communities at risk and ensuring every child in need receives a nutritious meal in school daily. At the G7 summit in Germany last year, leaders stated they would “spare no effort to increase global food and nutrition security” and to protect the most vulnerable. They also committed to strengthen the long-term resilience of agriculture and food systems so that poor countries would be less vulnerable in the future. Conflict remains one of the main drivers of global hunger. Events in Sudan are just the latest example of how food insecurity rises when guns come out. WFP asks G7 countries to “work toward political solutions to protracted crises where conflict is the primary driver of hunger.” http://www.wfp.org/stories/6-solutions-end-hunger-and-malnutrition-wfp-appeal-g7-leaders-hiroshima http://www.wfp.org/publications/hunger-hotspots-fao-wfp-early-warnings-acute-food-insecurity-june-november-2023 http://www.wfp.org/news/global-report-food-crises-number-people-facing-acute-food-insecurity-rose-258-million-58 http://www.fsinplatform.org/global-report-food-crises-2023 http://executiveboard.wfp.org/document_download/WFP-0000146953 http://hungermap.wfp.org/ http://www.wfp.org/countries http://dataviz.vam.wfp.org/version2/ http://www.ipcinfo.org/ May 2023 Dealing with Destabilising Economic Crises. (Extract: International Crisis Group) When G7 leaders met in 2022, the economic fallout from Russia’s all-out attack on Ukraine was a top concern. Economic problems will continue to absorb their attention in Hiroshima. But while the participants will likely talk about problems in their home countries – such as April’s U.S. bank collapses – they may have less time to talk about economic difficulties elsewhere. But the assembled leaders should not overlook the rest of the world’s challenges. While commodity prices have somewhat retreated from their peaks following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and supply chains tangled by COVID-19 and the war have begun to straighten, inflation rates remain at historically high levels and household savings continue to dwindle. In much of the world, economic vulnerability has surged over the past year, and in some places political tensions have spiked in parallel. G7 countries are somewhat responsible. Having protected themselves by tightening liquidity and money supply to tame inflation, they provoked an international credit crunch that has already hit poorer countries hard – and will soon hit even harder. Faced with a looming recession, poor and middle-income countries need help, but now that the G7’s own path to economic recovery is imperilled, its members may be tempted to downgrade the already halting efforts to stabilise the more fragile economies’ finances. That would be short-sighted, however, from both a global economic and a peace and security perspective. Worsening economic indicators on their own do not cause or exacerbate conflict, but the cost-of-living crisis, in particular, has created political pressures that in some places threaten unrest. After years of distress, many governments are unable to cushion their populations from shocks. Sri Lanka, Turkiye and Zimbabwe have seen rises in inflation of 46, 72 and 193 per cent, respectively. In countries ranging from Pakistan and Myanmar to Mozambique, imports have dropped, and along with them consumption, including of basic goods. Unemployment has skyrocketed in places from Bosnia and Herzegovina to South Africa. Of particular concern is a shortage of U.S. dollars. Further aggravating the cost-of-living problem is a new surge in fuel prices that, in addition to the direct burden it creates, likely will soon drive up food prices since transport and fertilisers (the production of which requires natural gas) make up a significant part of food costs. As noted in this briefing, these developments have had destabilising consequences in Haiti – and Pakistan and Tunisia are teetering as well. Among the most painful of these factors is the global credit crunch – which may be about to worsen, given the U.S. banking sector’s troubles. Rising interest rates have been particularly difficult for states with elevated conflict risk because they typically rely more heavily on credit and are less financially self-sufficient. As credit grows scarce, global lenders hesitate to invest in places that are marked by political risk, fearing they will not recoup their loans. Dwindling credit brings further economic decline, which is amplified by persistent inflation. This decline further elevates conflict risk, which in turn chokes off credit, and so on. At the end of this downward spiral lies sovereign default, which threatens an increasing number of states today.. The number of countries on the edge speaks for itself. During the 2010s, fourteen states defaulted – the same number that defaulted in the three years from 2020 through 2022. Presently, another seventeen low-income countries are in debt distress, of which ten are grappling with various forms of conflict, including Sudan, Mozambique and Somalia. Slow growth, coupled with rising debt service payments (since, unlike in past decades, many loans carry variable interest rates), leaves these countries at the mercy of G7 and especially U.S. monetary policy. For states on the brink, the consequences of default – such as currency depreciation, rising food costs, capital outflow, unemployment, banking system instability and reduced access to international credit markets – could prove nearly insuperable.. Averting a wave of default will require prompt, concerted action by G7 countries. The group’s foreign ministers have already endorsed some steps, such as better creditor coordination. These are a good but insufficient start. Creditors, including those among the G7, should go further, using strategies that were successful in curbing previous debt crises, such as debt restructuring with lower payments and extended repayment periods, as well as suspended obligations while debtors participate in good-faith negotiations. The crisis is unlikely to be resolved without creditors sharing the burden in the form of a “haircut” – that is, writing down the value of a loan. The more quickly creditors adopt the sort of measures advanced here, the less exposed they will be to taking an even bigger haircut because of events outside their control. Also vital is that G7 nations honour their commitment to recycling their allotment of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) – an international reserve asset created by the IMF to supplement member countries’ official reserves that can be passed (“recycled”) to countries in need – or encourage a new allocation of them. SDRs can be used for various purposes, including facilitating the consumption of imported goods, supporting current capital accounts and stabilising exchange rates. So far, G7 nations have taken few of these measures, largely because of the complex financial arrangements required, the diversity of creditors and disagreements among the largest of them. To contain crises in the last century, G7 countries, which then held the majority of sovereign debt, worked with other Western donors through a loose body hosted by France and known as the Paris Club. But now China is the world’s largest creditor, and India and private banks hold significant debt as well. In 2021, the G20 formed a more inclusive debt relief group, the Common Framework, but it did little, owing to China’s disinclination to write down loans, especially to the private sector’s benefit, and the G7’s unwillingness to provide relief that would help China. The Framework has since been superseded by the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, which also includes private lenders. The new formula might work better, partly because the private banks’ involvement makes relief more palatable for China, but more because Beijing’s own loans have soured rapidly, forcing it to agree to relief. Pakistan and Sri Lanka are notable examples. In the meantime, the IMF remains the lender of last resort. It continues to push hard for removing subsidies, including on food and fuel, as a condition for new loans.. Subsidy removal drives up the cost of living and sometimes sparks violent unrest. Even governments in extreme distress baulk at accepting this enormously unpopular measure. As influential members of the IMF board, the G7 nations should advocate reconsideration of the institution’s fairly rigid approach to subsidies and create alternatives, particularly in the short term. The G7 also could aid poor countries in expanding unemployment insurance, which would help mitigate the repercussions of monetary policies designed to curb inflation. http://www.crisisgroup.org/global/sb10-seven-priorities-g7-2023 http://unctad.org/press-material/unctad-calls-bold-international-economic-agenda-avert-another-lost-decade-developing http://www.msf.org/g7-countries-must-commit-safeguarding-humanitarian-assistance http://public.wmo.int/en/media/press-release/global-temperatures-set-reach-new-records-next-five-years http://350.org/global-week-of-action-is-happening/ http://actionaid.org/news/2023/93-countries-most-vulnerable-climate-disasters-are-either-or-significant-risk-debt http://debtjustice.org.uk/press-release/lower-income-country-debt-payments-set-to-hit-highest-level-in-25-years http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/oxfam-g7-has-failed-global-south-hiroshima http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/g7-owes-huge-13-trillion-debt-global-south http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/richest-1-bag-nearly-twice-much-wealth-rest-world-put-together-over-past-two-years http://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/05/global-amnesty-international-calls-for-universal-social-protection-as-overlapping-crises-leave-hundreds-of-millions-facing-disaster/ http://www.socialprotectionfloorscoalition.org/civil-society-call/ http://www.srpoverty.org/2021/06/30/global-fund-for-social-protection-international-solidarity-in-the-service-of-poverty-eradication/ http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/every-1-imf-encouraged-set-poor-countries-spend-public-goods-it-has-told-them-cut http://policydialogue.org/publications/working-papers/end-austerity-a-global-report-on-budget-cuts-and-harmful-social-reforms-in-2022-25/ http://www.socialwatch.org/node/18696 http://www.socialwatch.org/node/18695 http://www.socialwatch.org/node/18694 http://reliefweb.int/report/world/listening-not-enough-people-demand-transformational-change-humanitarian-assistance-global-analysis-report-november-2022 Visit the related web page |
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UN High Commissioner for Human Rights outlines concerns in over 40 countries by Volker Turk 52nd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council Mar. 2023 I am aware that discussions of complex human rights issues may be difficult or sensitive, for some. Others may feel they are best whispered behind closed doors. Yet, we need to regain the space where we can discuss them in a constructive and open spirit, undisturbed by the tug of geopolitics and bearing in mind that nobody is perfect. In the spur of the moment you may not like what you hear but over time you may appreciate what we had to say. My only consideration, and in fact my duty, is to stay true to the mandate, the normative human rights framework and the imperative of improving people's lives. Contempt for the human being reaches agonizing levels when war breaks out, and violence becomes a daily occurrence. One quarter of humanity is living today in places affected by conflict, and it is civilians who suffer the most. Peace is precious and it is fragile – and we must nurture it. First and foremost, by respecting the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including international human rights law. The war in Ukraine has led to civilian casualties and destruction of a shocking magnitude. The rights of Ukrainians will be harmed for generations to come, and the war’s impact on fuel and food prices, as well as geopolitical tensions, are impacting negatively on people in every region of the world. That such damage could once again be done across the world by warfare in Europe is a betrayal of the promises of transformative change made at our foundation over 75 years ago. I will be speaking in detail on the situation in Ukraine at the end of March. Twelve long years of excruciating bloodshed: Syria is a microcosm of the wounds inflicted by utmost contempt for human rights. Last month's earthquakes have added to this tragedy. The only way forward must be through respect for human rights, and proper accountability of all those who have committed atrocity crimes – both of which Syria has long lacked. I fully support calls for a new institution that is focused on clarifying the fate and whereabouts of missing persons, and providing support to victims, and I urge the Government – as well as other Member States – to cooperate with it, if it is indeed established. The security situation in Mali is particularly alarming in the central part of the country and the border area between Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. In this area, numerous armed groups are capitalizing on intercommunal hostility, and the absence of State authorities to expand their influence and carry out attacks against civilians. Armed non-state groups have perpetrated most violations and abuses. Serious violations have also been committed by the Malian Armed Forces, in some instances accompanied by foreign military and security personnel. I am also very worried by hate speech on ethnic grounds, as well as threats, intimidation, and attacks against civil society and media by State and non-state actors, leading to an increasing fear of speaking out. This is particularly concerning given that the country is embarking on an electoral process where a free debate of ideas should flourish. I am concerned about the prospect of deepening instability in Burkina Faso. Over the last six months of 2022, my Office documented at least 1,076 victims of violations and abuses. That toll almost doubled in the months between October and December, compared to the previous three months. Armed groups are responsible for most of these incidents, but the military's operations take a growing toll on civilians. I have urged the authorities to listen to the grievances people have regarding impunity, and to investigate such allegations. It is critical to reverse the course of ever-increasing violence, and to allow civil society and political parties to thrive. In Ethiopia, the welcome implementation of the cessation of hostilities agreement needs to be fully effected, including on transitional justice. I am glad to report that National Consultations on Transitional Justice Policy Options opened yesterday, with the support of my Office; to be followed by consultations across the country with people who have been affected by the conflict. Despite this progress, we have received reports of the continued presence in Tigray of the Amhara Regional Forces and Fano militia, as well as Eritrean Defence Forces, which have reportedly perpetrated very serious violations. There is a clear need for continued monitoring and reporting. There also needs to be tangible progress on accountability regarding conflict-related violations and abuses – including in implementation of the report by my Office and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. The human rights situation in other regions of Ethiopia is also of great concern, particularly Oromia. In addition to Eritrea’s continued military presence in Tigray, we have received reports that Eritrea is further increasing its use of forced and prolonged conscription, a practice that is akin to enslavement and the main driver of refugee outflows. This needs to be reversed, urgently, for the country to be placed on a path for sustainable development. In Yemen, the parties need to heed the calls of a population exhausted by eight years of brutal warfare, and move decisively towards a UN-led peace process. For any peace agreement to be durable, transitional justice and accountability are fundamental, and women must be able to participate fully in such talks. Two UN staff members – one from UNESCO and one from my own Office – have been detained for 16 months and must be released at once. In Libya, widespread violence by armed actors, a longstanding political impasse, and an increasingly restrictive civic space continue to destroy lives and severely harm rights. The Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya will present its final report at the end of this session, and it is urgent for the authorities to implement its recommendations without delay. On Western Sahara, my Office continues remote monitoring of the human rights situation. Given that the most recent visit by the Office took place almost eight years ago, it is crucial for my Office to be able to undertake again meaningful missions to the region. In recent months, I have had the opportunity to discuss the worrying human rights situation in Kashmir with both India and Pakistan. Progress on human rights, and justice for the past, will be key to advancing security and development. I will continue to explore how my Office can assist, including through meaningful access to the region. The people of Haiti endure conditions of nightmarish violence. Heavily armed gangs control services and access in large sections of the capital and the country – perpetrating frequent killings, abductions, random sniper attacks and a horrifying level of sexual violence. The situation calls for a combination of responses: turbo-charging the political process towards free and transparent elections; fully implementing the arms embargo; effective sanctions against those who sponsor and direct armed gangs; and international support to build up the capacity of Haiti’s police and judicial systems to fight pervasive impunity and corruption; as well as the deployment of a time-bound specialized support force, with human rights safeguards. We must keep Haiti in our focus, including in support to my Office’s work on the ground. Discrimination and racism are virulent threats, both to human dignity and to our relationships as human beings. They weaponize contempt. They humiliate and violate human rights, fuelling grievances and despair, and obstructing development. I am shocked to the core by the contempt for women, and women's equality, that is spawned across the Internet by some so-called “influencers”, feeding social attitudes that make it possible to ignore, or even condone, gender-based violence, and the pervasive commodification of women. More generally, the scope and magnitude of discrimination against women and girls makes this one of the most overwhelming human rights violations worldwide, and dismantling it will be a major focus of our work. The repression of women in Afghanistan is unparalleled, contravening every established belief system. Women and girls’ rights to make choices about their lives and participate in public life have been, or are being, eliminated as we speak. This repression and persecution of women constitute a clenched fist around Afghanistan’s economy and its future. Such a tyranny must not escape accountability. We will not give up; we will continue to fight for respect for the rights and freedoms of every Afghan woman and girl. In Iran, it is urgent for the authorities to act on the demands of protestors, in particular women and girls, who continue to endure profound discrimination. I remain deeply concerned about 17 protestors who have reportedly been sentenced to death; 4 have been executed so far, and more than 100 currently face charges that carry the death penalty. The recently announced pardons are a welcome first step. I continue to urge the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained in the context of the protests and more generally – including foreign and dual nationals. All Iranians – including all women and girls – must be free to make their own choices, express their views and exercise their rights. I welcome the new law passed by Sierra Leone in November that prohibits gender discrimination; mandates at least 30 percent women in Parliament, the diplomatic corps, local councils and the civil service; and establishes equal pay for women, among a host of other steps. Many far more wealthy States could learn from this example. I also welcome Spain’s adoption last month of legislation to uphold essential sexual and reproductive rights, including by removing restrictions on access to safe abortion. The new measures also address access by all women to assisted reproduction, as well as violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity; and they ban so-called "conversion therapies" and the genital mutilation of babies who are born intersex. Vicious hate speech is not only directed at women and girls, but also people of African descent; Jews; Muslims; LGBTIQ+ people; refugees; migrants; and many other people from minority groups. Deliberate provocations, such as recent incidents of burning the Qu'ran, are intended to drive wedges between communities. And this is dangerous. The violence that is so disproportionately inflicted on people of African descent by law enforcement officers is an example of the deep structural harm rooted in racial discrimination. My Office and UN human rights mechanisms have repeatedly highlighted excessive use of force, racial profiling and discriminatory practices by police, most recently in Australia, France, Ireland and the United Kingdom. In Brazil, overall deaths in encounters with police fell in 2021 for the first time in 9 years, with a 31% drop for "white" people, according to one source – but a rise of almost 6% in the number of deaths of Afro-descendants. In the United States, people of African descent are reportedly almost three times more likely to be killed by police than are "white" people. The brutal death of Tyre Nichols in Memphis two months ago stood out not just because of the severity of the violence caught on tape, but because it was followed by immediate action to prosecute the officers involved, while generally only a fraction of such cases lead to those responsible being brought to justice. In the US and all other countries, swift and determined action to hold perpetrators accountable in each case should be the rule, not the exception. Structural safeguards must be set up, including independent oversight, effective complaint procedures, and robust legislative reform. But even the strongest actions within law enforcement will not fully succeed unless further concrete steps are taken to address racism and the structures that perpetuate it throughout our societies. Police forces need to serve and protect everyone in society. In the Philippines, where killings in drug-related police operations still occur, my Office is working with security actors to strengthen accountability and promote human rights in drug enforcement. The Government has announced steps to vet senior police officers for corruption, and I hope there will be rapid progress in prosecuting human rights violators. While I welcome recent acquittals of human rights defenders, there must be an end to other politically motivated charges, and a safer environment for civil society. Structural injustices, abject poverty and skyrocketing inequalities constitute pervasive human rights failures. I’d like to mention a few examples. Lebanon is in the throes of one of the worst economic crises in modern history, with more than half of the population now said to be living below the poverty line, and two million people facing food insecurity. Many public sector services have been halted; access to education and healthcare are becoming luxuries; and electricity is scarce. I urge stronger efforts to fight corruption, anchor economic and financial regulation in the rule of law, and firmly embed accountability and transparency into all economic measures. Serious investigation into the explosion of August 2020 is urgently needed, without political interference or further delay. In Sri Lanka, debilitating debt, and economic crisis, have sharply restricted people's access to fundamental economic and social rights. Recovery policies will need to redress inequalities, and invest in social protections and other levers of economic resilience. They should also tackle underlying issues of corruption, transparency and accountability in governance, as well as entrenched impunity. The reliance on draconian security laws, as well as the harassment and surveillance of civil society and victims, must end. My Office remains committed to supporting a genuine and comprehensive approach to transitional justice. Many countries in southern Africa have been hard-hit by successive economic blows, including from COVID-19; rising food, fuel and fertilizer prices due to the war in Ukraine; and spiralling debt repayment. In a region that is the world's most unequal, these shocks are pushing millions more people into poverty. Surging inflation in Mauritius, for example, has led to unprecedented public protests. Energy shortages have led to severe power cuts in several countries, with negative impact on business, healthcare and water supplies. South Africa last month declared its energy crisis a national state of disaster. At the same time, courts in South Africa are helping to chart a way forward on the legal foundation of economic, social and cultural rights. While numerous countries in the Global North are also experiencing poverty, people in the United Kingdom are currently experiencing a cost of living crisis that may result in the largest drop in living standards on record. Racial and ethnic minority groups are disproportionately affected. I welcome measures taken by the Government to provide some relief from increased fuel costs and raise the minimum wage, but I encourage more dialogue with striking workers, and with people living in poverty, as well as reforms that advance economic, social and cultural rights. To face these challenges of structural injustice and inequalities, we need to build economies that build trust in government and advance people’s rights and well-being. A human rights economy is one in which the aim of advancing human rights informs all national economic, fiscal, monetary, investment and business decisions. Such national measures will bring immense benefit to millions of people. But they cannot hope to address the global debt emergency that has hit developing countries, in particular, like a runaway train. The impact on their people is crushing hopes and lives. Dramatically scaled-up financing, as well as reforms of the international financial institutions, are urgently needed to meet these challenges, and my Office will strongly advocate human rights-based change. The Bridgetown Initiative by Barbados stands out for its clear vision of economic justice and new methods for international financing bodies. Harsh restriction of the civic space is the Achilles heel – the fatal weakness – of governance. If I have one message to deliver to every Head of State or Government it is this: listen to the people – and in particular, to victims and defenders of human rights. These are people who have the deepest experience of these issues, and they have something to say that you need to hear. I am alarmed by the number and range of countries in which I must report steps that undercut institutions of justice, media freedoms, and the space for fundamental civic freedoms. Allow me to begin on a positive note. In Tanzania, progress has been made in opening up civic and democratic space over the past two years. Bans on media outlets and political rallies have been lifted, and reform of restrictive legislation is promised. Tanzania still faces many challenges, and I welcome the President's commitment to dialogue. More needs to be done to address accountability and other human rights issues, including the Ngorongoro and Loliondo situations. Zambia has also taken positive steps towards greater respect for human rights and the rule of law. They include numerous amendments and enactments of legislation, among them abolition of the death penalty and removal of provisions that criminalise “defamation of the President”. I look forward to working with the National Mechanism for Reporting and Follow-up, and encourage measures to foster peaceful dialogue between political parties. I also urge both political leaders and the media to back away from increasing polarisation and ethnic division. International financial institutions must recognize that Zambia – like several other countries – urgently needs debt relief to consolidate its progress. In Kenya, some advances have been made towards accountability for serious human rights violations. I encourage more concrete progress to deliver justice, in line with the Government’s commitments. Yet, in the Russian Federation, I am deeply concerned by multiple trends. The closures of the newspaper Novaya Gazeta and the Moscow Helsinki Groups are another sign of the demise of Russia's civic space. Constant pro-war messages on State media feed stereotypes and incite hatred and violence. Over 180 criminal cases have been opened on charges related to alleged defamation of the Armed Forces; those convicted so far include a journalist and a municipal councillor. Since December, any person or entity considered to be “under foreign influence” – an overly wide and vague qualification – can be designated as a "foreign agent” and subjected to numerous restrictions. In December, in a troubling development, legislation prohibiting so-called “propaganda of non-traditional relationships” was extended, to cover information, to anyone, about LGBTIQ+ relationships and sexuality, as well as gender transitioning. I am also worried by growing agitation against the rights of LGBTIQ+ individuals in many countries, mostly recently in East Africa – including rhetoric by politicians that incites hatred, and crackdowns on LGBTIQ+ organisations. Last week a very troubling draft so-called "Anti-Homosexuality" Bill was tabled in Uganda's Parliament, while in Burundi, 24 people were arrested in a crackdown, many of them engaged in AIDS education. It is unthinkable that we are facing such bigotry, prejudice and discrimination in the 21st century, holding back development of all members of society. In Tajikistan, independent journalists and bloggers have been sentenced to between 7 and 21 years in jail, on charges related to terrorism and extremism, in a deepening crackdown on freedom of expression. The trials were closed, but do not appear to have presented substantial evidence of any crime. In Bangladesh, I regret the increasing incidence of political violence, coupled with arbitrary arrests of political activists, and ongoing harassment of human rights defenders and media personnel in the build up to the elections this year. Following lengthy consultations with my Office on the Digital Security Act, I urge that it be amended, as criminal sentences continue to be handed down against those exercising their rights to free expression and belief. In Cambodia, the Government continues to suppress political opposition, human rights defenders and independent media. This has been exemplified by the closure of the Voice of Democracy media outlet and the extraordinarily heavy sentence imposed last week on opposition leader Kem Sokha, on questionable charges. These actions seriously undermine the civic and political space, including the environment for free and fair elections in July. In Tunisia, I am concerned by recent harsh crackdowns in which judges, media, civil society actors, opposition members and labour leaders have been prosecuted – including before military courts – for allegations that include national security crimes and terrorism. This trajectory of shrinking civic space, and the space for trade unions to defend workers' rights, must be reversed. More recently, a country-wide wave of arrests and attacks, coupled with dehumanising and racist rhetoric, has targeted migrants, mostly coming from south of the Sahara. I acknowledge the authorities have announced two days ago some measures to support migrants. In addition, I urge full investigation of all attacks, as well as a halt to xenophobic hate speech. In Egypt, continuing restrictions on civic space include crackdowns on dissent, arbitrary detention, and action to censor and block websites. Lengthy sentences were handed down two days ago to several people carrying out human rights advocacy, in proceedings on questionable terrorism-related charges which also raised fair trial concerns. Building on Egypt's National Strategy for Human Rights, I urge the authorities to release all those arbitrarily detained, and to lift restrictions on civic space. In Peru, at least 60 people were killed and over a thousand injured in clashes with security forces and at roadblocks during recent protests. The underlying grievances, including discrimination and exclusion, particularly affect indigenous peoples, rural campesinos and the urban poor. Recent initiatives by the Government, such as the creation of a commission to provide economic support to families of those killed and injured, should be expanded to ensure accountability, truth and full reparation for all victims. My Office is ready to support meaningful dialogue about the underlying issues. Regarding China, we have opened up channels of communication with a range of actors to follow up on a variety of human rights issues, including the protection of minorities, such as for Tibetans, Uyghurs and other groups. In the Xinjiang region, my Office has documented grave concerns – notably large-scale arbitrary detentions and ongoing family separations – and has made important recommendations that require concrete follow-up. We also have concerns about the severe restrictions of civic space more generally, including the arbitrary detention of human rights defenders and lawyers; and the impact of the National Security Law in Hong Kong. Combatting climate change and upholding the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment are the defining struggles of our generation. Again, I would like to share a few examples. Somalia is currently enduring a historic drought, with agonizing impact on the lives and rights of millions of people. Last year, almost 1.2 million Somalis left their homes because of lack of rain. Competition among pastoralists for scarce natural resources is a driver of conflict: since 2020 at least 237 people have been killed in clan violence related to land, pasture or water. The situation is exacerbated by the Al-Shabaab armed group, which targets water sources and infrastructure to punish communities perceived to support the Government. In all, a projected 8.3 million people across Somalia are expected to be in acute need of food assistancem or other assistance, between April and June this year. In the Sahel region, a recent report by my Office outlines the profound impact of climate change-related soil degradation and declining food production on income, health, resource competition, conflict, and displacement – a vicious cycle that now spins deeper with every planting season. Temperatures in the Sahel are rising much faster than the global average; even if the global temperature rise is kept to an unlikely 1.5 degrees, the impact on the people of the Sahel will be permanent and devastating. Iraq is also suffering profound damage from climate change, with sharply increasing temperatures, less rainfall, and more dust storms. Water flow in the Tigris and Euphrates rivers has decreased by 29 percent and 73 percent respectively, with dam projects in the region an additional factor. According to technical experts at the Second Baghdad Water Conference last year, 7 million Iraqis risk being unable to meet their water needs in the near future. I am also concerned about the shrinking space for free expression in the country. Pacific Island States and other small island developing countries have led the world in advocating for climate action, including a regional framework to prevent and respond to displacement, which my Office is helping to support. I note in particular Vanuatu’s initiative to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the obligations of States to protect the rights of present and future generations against the adverse effects of climate change. Transparent governance is critical, to repair harms and build resilience. Climate finance funds need to reach those most affected and most vulnerable, and they need to build in strong human rights safeguards. And we must call out fake climate solutions. I deplore the attempts by the fossil fuel industry at global climate talks and elsewhere to greenwash their reputation and derail our goal of decarbonization. This must be averted at the upcoming COP28 in Dubai, and we need inclusive, safe and meaningful participation of civil society. In every country, I strongly encourage the following. Public access to information on environmental risks and Government policies. Full participation and consultation on environmental laws and measures – notably for indigenous peoples and others who are first in line for climate harms. And protection of those who raise concerns over environmental crimes, or policies that result in harm. Bashing climate protests; designing laws that unfairly restrict activities that call the public's attention to climate harms; and allowing attacks on activists to go unpunished: these are tactics that harm all States and all human beings. And they need to be addressed, urgently. Conflict, discrimination, poverty, restrictions on civic space and the triple planetary crisis. We face the compounding effects of all these crises – while also confronting a surge of new human rights challenges, notably in the digital realm and involving artificial intelligence and surveillance. Fresh thinking, political leadership, renewed commitments, and dramatically scaled-up financing — with the centrality of human rights at their core — are urgently needed to meet these challenges. http://www.ohchr.org/en/statements-and-speeches/2023/03/global-update-high-commissioner-outlines-concerns-over-40-countries http://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session53/list-reports http://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session52/list-reports Visit the related web page |
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