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	Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to lead Bangladesh interim government by Crisis Group, ICJ, OHCHR, news agencies Tunisia, Bangladesh   Oct. 2024 (agencies)   Tunisia's incumbent President Kais Saied is set to win the presidential election with 89.2 percent of the vote, exit polls revealed on Sunday, despite a record low turnout. Rights groups fear his re-election, following a sweeping power grab, will further entrench his authoritarian rule in the country that once symbolised the Arab Spring uprisings.   The Tunisian electoral board, ISIE said about 9.7 million people were eligible to vote, in a country whose population is around 12 million. Only 27.7 percent of voters turned out to cast their ballots, it said. The turnout figure compared to 45 percent in 2019 and is the lowest the country has recorded in a presidential vote since its 2011 revolution.   "The vote's legitimacy is undoubtedly tainted with candidates who could have overshadowed (Saied) being systematically sidelined," said political analyst Hatem Nafti. 14 candidates were barred from joining the race, on technicalities by ISIE whose commissioners were appoited by Saied.   Saied's most prominent challengers — imprisoned since last year — were prevented from running, and lesser-known candidates were jailed or kept off the ballot. Opposition parties boycotted the contest, calling it a sham amid Tunisia's deteriorating political climate and increasing authoritarianism.   The vote's "democratic legitimacy is indeed weak, but there is no minimum threshold," said north Africa analyst Pierre Vermeren.   University of Tunis law professor Sghayer Zakraoui, said Tunisian politics were once again about "the absolute power of a single man who places himself above everyone else and believes himself to be invested with a messianic message."   http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2025/02/tunisia-end-all-forms-persecution-opponents-and-activists   Oct. 2024   Tunisia: High Risks around the Presidential Election. (Crisis Group)   Tensions are rising before Tunisia’s 6 October presidential election, with authorities having arrested many opposition figures and excluded several challengers to the incumbent Kais Saied, who looks set to win. In this analysis, Crisis Group expert Michael Ayari explains the stakes for the country’s stability.   Tunisians will go to the polls on 6 October for what promises to be a consequential presidential election. President Kaïs Saied, who has been in power for five years, is standing for another term. His first, marked by populist, authoritarian governance, sounded the death knell for the democratic transition initiated by the popular uprising of 2011, which deposed the long-time president, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.   An academic specialising in constitutional law, Saïed was elected president on 13 October 2019, winning almost 73 per cent of the vote in a second-round runoff with businessman Nabil Karoui. Framing himself as an anti-system candidate, Saied – now 66 – assumed office amid tensions following the death of President Caïd Essebsi. Some eighteen months into his term, in July 2021, he took a radical turn toward autocratic rule, issuing a decree that suspended parliament, dismissed the prime minister and transferred their powers to himself. Since then, he has propagated a discourse attacking supposed internal and external enemies of various kinds, prompting a crackdown on the political opposition and civil society. As his term comes to an end, in accordance with the constitution, Saïed is calling on voters to renew their confidence in him.   But the president’s popularity, which once was high, has declined in recent years. Although he still enjoys some support among the working classes, he has been criticised for failing to resolve the country’s deep economic crisis, which was exacerbated by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. He claims that the public backs his political project, including the arrest campaign. But according to well-placed sources interviewed by Crisis Group, Saied and senior officials around him began to fear that he might fall considerably short of his margin of victory in 2019 and might even go down to defeat.   Unpublished polls made available to Crisis Group confirm they have reason to worry: these surveys give the president 20 to 25 per cent of likely voters in the first round, putting him on par with other candidates.   The prospect of Saied losing has made the authorities feverish. In recent months, the regime launched a sweeping new campaign of repression, aimed not just at its critics but also at sub-Saharan migrants, staff at Western NGOs defending their rights, journalists and lawyers. The authorities seemed to see subversion everywhere.   In May, officials from the Tunisian Swimming Federation and the National Anti-Doping Agency were arrested on charges of plotting against state security for covering a Tunisian flag during a competition. Sihem Bensedrine, former president of the Truth and Dignity Commission, which pursued transitional justice after the old regime’s ouster, was picked up in August for allegedly falsifying a report on human rights violations committed under Ben Ali’s dictatorship. Lawyer and columnist Sonia Dahmani was sentenced in mid-September to eight months in prison for comments deemed hostile to the president.   In the run-up to the election, the authorities have also exerted considerable pressure on the president’s potential rivals. They considerably tightened the requirements for candidacy, meaning that contenders encountered numerous difficulties in preparing their applications, particularly in obtaining the mandated 10,000 signatures and the B3 form, which certifies that the bearer has no criminal record. At the beginning of August, the courts handed down prison sentences to several candidates who had filed, accusing them of faking signatures either during the present campaign or in 2019.   These people include Abdellatif El Mekki, a former health minister who once led the Islamist-inspired An-Nahda party; Nizar Chaari, who supported Saied in 2019; Neji Jalloul, a former education minister; and K2Rhym, a rapper and former President Ben Ali’s son-in-law.   The authorities demonstrated their determination to ensure Saied’s re-election at all costs with numerous other arrests and rejections of candidacy applications, leading to a legal battle between the main electoral authority and the Tunis Administrative Court.   Despite all the obstacles, seventeen candidates (one of whom is a woman) managed to submit their applications to the Independent High Authority for Elections (known by its French acronym, ISIE) at the beginning of August. Yet when ISIE announced the preliminary list of candidates on 10 August, only three names appeared: those of Saied, the little-known businessman Ayachi Zammel and Zouhair Maghzaoui, secretary-general of Echaab, an Arab nationalist party that had supported Saied’s power grab in 2021.   With this decision, the ISIE ruled out several credible contenders. Three of them – Mondher Zenaidi, a veteran minister under Ben Ali, Imed Daimi, a former member of parliament and former president Moncef Marzouki’s chief of staff in 2013, and Abdellatif El Mekki – lodged appeals with the administrative court, which is responsible for settling disputes of this kind. Against all expectations, and no doubt because the secret ballot protected the magistrates from reprisal, at the end of August the Administrative Court ordered these three men put on the ballot. But despite the court’s ruling – which is supposed to be final – the ISIE retained only the three candidates it had first announced on the final list published on 2 September.   This news provoked strong reactions from the opposition and civil society. The rejected candidates’ campaign teams reminded the ISIE that the court’s decision is legally binding, urging the opposition to unite against the injustice. Many judges also defended the court, arguing that the failure to follow legal procedures set a dangerous precedent.   They were joined by the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT), the country’s powerful trade union federation, which hitherto has been uncritical of President Saied. On 13 September, following the arrest of roughly a hundred mid-ranking An-Nahda figures, perhaps 2,000 people – a large number in the current climate of repression – demonstrated in Tunis, answering the call of a coalition of civil society organisations, most of them left-wing and anti-Islamist. Police surrounded the crowd. The demonstrators denounced the regime’s authoritarian drift, called for a transparent election and demanded the release of those arbitrarily detained.   In response, and no doubt on the instructions of President Saïed and his entourage, 34 MPs (the Tunisian parliament has 161 in total) tabled a bill on 20 September that would take away the Administrative Court’s prerogatives in electoral matters, granting them instead to the Court of Appeal. On 22 September, some 1,000 people, including opposition and civil society activists, marched through the capital to protest this bill, which passed by a large majority on 27 September.   In the meantime, Zammel – one of only two candidates authorised to face Saied – was also arrested for falsifying campaign signatures. He was sentenced on 18 September to twenty months in prison, which the court lengthened by six months some days later. On 30 September, a Tunis court gave him a further twelve years in jail. He remains on the ballot, however.   The tug of war between the ISIE and the Administrative Court is a sign of the government’s anxiety. It has also highlighted the growing polarisation in Tunisia, both in society and within the security apparatus, as the regime takes its repressive turn.   Ben Ali’s fall in 2011 paved the way for almost ten years of democratic transition in Tunisia. But that transition came to an end in July 2021, when Saied imposed a state of emergency and consolidated his own authority. A year later, Tunisians adopted a new constitution by referendum, which enshrined a presidential system with no checks and balances. At the same time, to boost his political project that mixes nationalist and far-left ideas, the president played on popular resentment of – among others – the Tunisian political class of the 2011-2021 era and Westerners. His bellicose rhetoric has led to violent attacks on sub-Saharan migrants.   Despite the president’s power grab and his years of rhetoric decrying supposed counter-revolutionary forces, many in the upper middle class and civil society – who are largely opposed to Saied – wanted to believe that the regime would at least respect the principle of alternation of power. Hence the depth of their disillusionment when the authorities manoeuvred to secure Saïed’s re-election, which they feel will return Tunisia to the ranks of countries subject to arbitrary rule.   The amendment of the electoral law, which removed elections from the Administrative Court’s jurisdiction, confirmed that the government would not back down. Resigned to Saïed’s likely victory, the opposition is watching helplessly as the ballot seems to have been decided in advance.   Although major unrest is unlikely, the regime could nonetheless be weakened if Saied retains the presidency under these conditions. Turnout is expected to be low, as it has been in the last two elections, in particular the legislative contests held from December 2022 to January 2023, when it was only around 11 per cent. Though part of the opposition has endorsed Zammel, Saïed should win the election hands down, especially as polling officials who are close to local elected representatives, most of whom support the regime, could be tempted to stuff the ballot box. Saïed will likely remain in power, but his legitimacy may be seriously damaged at both the national and international levels. Social and political tensions may also heighten. It is possible that candidates who were unjustly excluded will start legal proceedings to demand that the vote be annulled. Their supporters might then mobilise in the streets.   Such developments could deepen the prevailing polarisation, bringing the risk of scuffles between the president’s supporters and those who consider his re-election illegitimate. In recent months, the political atmosphere has been highly charged.   In August, for example, a video circulated on social media in which a supposed Saïed supporter called for the murder of opposition politicians and the rape of their wives. This kind of threat, rare in Tunisia, shocked many people in the country. For their part, the presidential guard and other security services are likely to continue, and even step up, their repression of dissenting voices.   A mix of fatalism, fear, anti-elite sentiment, the president’s nationalist discourse and economic hardship – notably including high inflation and recurring shortages of basic necessities – has corroded any enthusiasm ordinary citizens might have felt about the election. Many fear that a new mandate for Saïed will only deepen the country’s socio-economic woes, as well as hasten the regime’s authoritarian drift.   http://www.npr.org/2024/10/08/g-s1-26834/tunisia-kais-saied-election-2024-arab-spring http://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/tunisia/tunisie-une-election-presidentielle-haut-risque http://www.hrw.org/news/2024/10/03/tunisia-authorities-undermine-election-integrity http://www.icj.org/tunisia-the-authorities-must-release-opposition-figures-and-end-politically-motivated-prosecutions/ http://www.icj.org/resource/the-human-rights-council-should-address-the-rapidly-growing-human-rights-crisis-in-tunisia/ http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2023/02/arrest-perceived-political-opponents-and-civil-society-tunisia   Oct. 2024   Mohammad Yunus can go down in history as the architect of a new Bangladesh, writes Mandeep Tiwana CIVICUS Representative to the United Nations.   After mass protests forced long-term Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country in early August, Bangladesh found itself in a unique moment of opportunity to chart a path towards true democracy.   The interim government that was put in place to deal with the legacy of Hasina’s 15-year authoritarian rule is led by Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus and includes civil society leaders.   Yunus, a celebrated civil society activist, is well-equipped to lay the foundations for a new, truly democratic Bangladesh. He can draw on the experiences of Bangladeshi civil society to enable social cohesion and bring about a much-needed reckoning with the country’s tortured past.   There are many ways in which he can protect and expand civic spaces. He can, for example, disband security units responsible for enforced disappearances and torture, reform the much-maligned NGO Affairs Bureau to ensure it supports civil society, or amend the Foreign Donations Law which creates a bureaucratic maze for civil society to receive international funding.   He should, however, act fast, as history tells us moments of opportunity and optimism like this can be fleeting. After a dictatorial regime is removed through revolution, democratic structures can fall prey to a rotation of elites. In the absence of a plan for what’s next, pro-democracy elements can be overwhelmed and derailed by fast-moving events.   In such scenarios, nationalist and authoritarian forces, who continue to hold power due to their alliances with the clergy and military, often fill the emerging power vacuum. At times, the military itself takes over. In other instances, leaders brought in as representatives of democratic forces turn to repression themselves to try and hold everything together.   In Sudan, for example, the 2019 overthrow of strongman President Omar al-Bashir was followed by several failed attempts at a democratic transition and eventually a military coup in 2021. Years later, civic space violations continue unabated and the country is still devastated by conflict.   In Pakistan, an initial military coup in 1958 supposedly aimed at creating space for a more stable democracy was followed by several decades of military rule and persistent attacks on civil society. Authorities in the country continue to silence dissent with crackdowns on activists, protesters, and journalists.   In Ethiopia, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for finally securing a peace deal with Eritrea, hopes were high for regional peace and stability.   Since then, however, he has presided over a bloody civil war in which mass atrocities were committed. The country is in turmoil, with human rights groups urging authorities to stop their crackdown on civic space and respect the rights of political opponents, journalists, and activists.   If Professor Yunus’s government fails to include civil society in decision making and shore up democratic institutions, post-Hasina Bangladesh can also fall into these pitfalls.   But these are, of course, not the only possible scenarios. After a revolution, pro-democracy forces can also stay firm and enable the emergence of more complex, but also infinitely more positive, realities.   Sri Lanka, where widespread protests forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign and flee the country two years ago, is one example. Although things were far from perfect, a transition of power occurred through established systems of democracy in the country. Last month, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who ran on a promise of better governance and stability, won Sri Lanka’s presidential election.   Chile is another example of how democratic forces can persevere in the face of elite clawback. Despite significant resistance from establishment forces, Chile’s popular protests in 2019-2022 against economic inequality led to a series of reforms in education, healthcare and pensions.   Guatemala, where in January the elected president was inaugurated despite repeated attempts by the old regime to scuttle a peaceful transfer of power, can also offer useful lessons for Bangladesh’s nascent government. In both these instances civil society groups played a key role.   While revolutions and popular uprisings did not produce civic utopias and perfect democracies in any of these countries, they also did not result in a return to square one.   Bangladesh’s interim government should pay attention to these examples where civic society secured important victories in difficult and complex circumstances. It should, however, also learn from cases where democratic forces failed to prevent the strongmen they helped topple from eventually being replaced by equally corrupt, anti-democratic leaders.   It is unrealistic to expect any new government to produce satisfactory reforms in all areas and a perfect democracy overnight, especially after decades of authoritarian rule. But countless examples around the world show that building a better future on the ruins left by long-term authoritarian leaders is possible – as long as the new leadership acts with determination, continues the dialogue with civil society, and remains on a democratic course.   If the interim government of Yunus gets it wrong, and the new leadership begins to try and stifle democratic dissent by suppressing civil society and clamping down on protests – whether these protests are by those who support the previous regime or others who are impatient for change – mistakes made during past transitions elsewhere might end up being repeated in Bangladesh. In such a scenario, the sustained protests that removed Hasina, and Yunus’s tenure as leader, would be reduced to footnotes in a long history of authoritarian rule.   But if Professor Yunus gets it right, draws from the successful experience of other countries, and lays the foundations for a robust democracy in Bangladesh, he could become a Mandela-like inspirational figure, and provide other countries in South Asia, where civic freedoms are widely repressed, with a regional example of a successful post-revolutionary transition. Many in the international community stand ready to support him.   Bangladesh is at a crossroads, and how Yunus and his advisors are able to navigate current political dynamics while respecting human rights and civic freedoms will determine the future of its democracy.   http://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/op-eds/7381-mohammad-yunus-can-go-down-in-history-as-the-architect-of-a-new-bangladesh http://www.civicus.org/   6 Aug. 2024 (news agencies)   Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus will be the chief adviser of Bangladesh's interim government after former prime minister Sheikh Hasina stepped down and fled the country amid a mass uprising against her rule.   Mr Yunus was appointed to the post by Bangladesh President Mohammed Shahabuddin after he held meetings with student leaders and chiefs of the three military services.   Mr Yunus called Ms Hasina's resignation the country's "second liberation day" after its 1971 war of independence from Pakistan.   Mr Yunus was awarded the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for his work developing microcredit markets through Grameen Bank, which he founded in 1983. He was recognised for helping to bring millions of people out of poverty by making small loans to people who wouldn't qualify for normal bank loans.   Joynal Abedin, the press secretary of Mr Shahabuddin, said other members of the new government would be decided soon, after discussions with political parties and other stakeholders. The president dissolved parliament on Tuesday, clearing the way for an interim administration and new elections.   The streets of Dhaka, the capital, appeared calm, with no reports of new violence on Tuesday.   Opposition politicians have publicly called on people not to attack minority groups, while student leaders asked supporters to guard Hindu temples and other places of worship.   The main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party on Tuesday urged people to exercise restraint in what it said was a "transitional moment on our democratic path".   "It would defeat the spirit of the revolution that toppled the illegitimate and autocratic regime of Sheikh Hasina if people decide to take the law into their own hands without due process," Tarique Rahman, the party's acting chairman, said in statement.   http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/bangladesh-un-report-finds-brutal-systematic-repression-protests-calls http://www.ipsnews.net/2024/08/rizwana-hasan-vows-ensure-justice-killed-bangladeshs-quota-reform-movement/ http://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20240807-muhammad-yunus-the-nobel-laureate-tasked-with-rebuilding-democracy-in-bangladesh http://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/gen-z-are-ready-to-help-build-a-new-future-for-bangladesh/ http://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/a-herculean-task-7713 http://www.ipsnews.net/2024/08/dealing-bangladeshs-odious-debt/ http://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/10/bangladeshis-pm-flees-protesters-sheikh-hasina-muhammad-yunus   5 Aug. 2024 (UN News)   Top United Nations officials underscored the need for a peaceful and democratic transition in Bangladesh after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country in the face of massive anti-Government protests, which claimed the lives of hundreds of demonstrators in recent weeks.   UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres “continues to closely follow developments in the country,” UN Deputy Spokesperson, Farhan Haq, said in a statement. “He urges calm and restraint by all sides and emphasizes the importance of a peaceful, orderly and democratic transition,” he added.   The UN chief also expressed “full solidarity with the people of Bangladesh” and called for the full respect of their human rights. “He continues to underscore the need for a full, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into all acts of violence”.   More than 300 people, including many children, are said to have been killed since student-led protests erupted in July, and more than 20,000 injured. The bloodshed was among the worst ever witnessed in Bangladesh.   The unrest began in July with protests by students against civil service job quotas. Though the scheme was withdrawn, protests erupted again last week, with the key demand for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to quit and for those responsible for the violent suppression of demonstrations to be held accountable.   Media reports suggest her departure from Bangladesh was met with widespread jubilation across much of the country.   Bangladesh’s army chief announced in a televised national address following her departure that an interim government would be formed.   Volker Turk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, underscored the importance of the transition of power in Bangladesh being “peaceful and guided by human rights”.   “The transition must be conducted in a transparent and accountable way, and be inclusive and open to the meaningful participation of all Bangladeshis,” he said. “There must be no further violence or reprisals.”   Mr. Turk highlighted that democratic order and the rule of law must be ensured as quickly as possible, and that all emergency measures must be limited in accordance with international law. Everyone arbitrarily detained must be released, all those responsible for human rights violations must be held to account. He stressed that underlying issues and grievances must be addressed. “The demands for justice and reform must be heeded,” he added.   “This is a time for national healing, including through an immediate end to violence, as well as accountability that ensures the rights of victims to truth and reparations, and a truly inclusive process that brings the country together on the way forward.”   http://news.un.org/en/story/2024/08/1152826 http://news.un.org/en/story/2024/08/11528914   Aug 2024 (News agencies)   At least 91 people have been killed and dozens more injured in a new round of violence in Bangladesh as police fired tear gas and threw stun grenades to disperse tens of thousands of protesters who returned to the streets to demand Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resign.   The deaths were reported by the police and doctors on Sunday in the capital Dhaka and the northern districts of Bogura, Pabna and Rangpur, as well as in Magura in the west, Comilla in the east, and Barisal and Feni in the south.   The demonstrators are demanding Hasina’s resignation after earlier protests in July that began with students calling for an end to a quota system for government jobs and escalated into demands for a change in Government.   Authorities have blocked internet access and imposed a shoot-on-sight curfew. At least 11,000 people have been arrested in recent weeks.   Deaths were reported from at least 11 districts including Bogura, Magura, Rangpur and Sirajganj districts, where the protesters backed by the main opposition party Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) clashed with police and the activists of the ruling Awami League party and its associated bodies.   Dhaka-based political analyst Zahed Ur Rahman said; “for the past two days, peaceful gatherings and demonstrations have taken place across the country demanding the government’s resignation,” explaining that the protests were peaceful because of the absence of Awami League activists on the streets.   However, once ruling party’s activists went to confront the protesters “they use guns and violence to quell a popular uprising in front of the whole world”, Rahman said.   Volker Turk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights:   "The shocking violence in Bangladesh must stop. Scores more protesters were killed over the weekend. At least 13 police officers were also killed when a police station was attacked in Sirajganj district. I appeal urgently to the political leadership and to the security forces to abide by their obligations to protect the right to life, and the freedom of peaceful assembly and expression.   Accountability for human rights violations – including for those with superior and command responsibility – is crucial. The international community must make it clear that at this pivotal time, there will be no impunity.   The Government must cease targeting those participating peacefully in the protest movement, immediately release those arbitrarily detained, restore full Internet access, and create conditions for meaningful dialogue. The continuing effort to suppress popular discontent, including through the excessive use of force, and the deliberate spread of misinformation and incitement to violence, must immediately cease".   http://www.hrw.org/news/2024/07/22/bangladesh-security-forces-target-unarmed-students http://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/07/government-of-bangladesh-must-urgently-halt-mounting-death-toll-of-protestors/ http://www.ohchr.org/en/statements/2024/08/shocking-violence-in-bangladesh-must-stop-turk http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/07/bangladesh-turk-decries-government-crackdown-urges-respect-international http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/07/bangladesh-un-experts-call-immediate-end-violent-crackdown-and-full http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/01/bangladesh-government-must-prioritise-human-rights-its-fourth-term http://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2023/10/bangladesh-political-protests
	Globally, 1.4 billion children aged 0-15 lack any form of social protection by ILO, Save the Children, UNICEF   Feb. 2024   Globally, 1.4 billion children aged 0-15 lack any form of social protection, leaving them vulnerable to disease, poor nutrition and poverty, according to new data released today by the International Labour Organization (ILO), Save the Children and UNICEF.   In low-income countries, less than one in ten children in this age group have access to child benefits, highlighting a significant disparity compared to the coverage enjoyed by children in high-income countries.   Child benefits are a critical form of social protection, intended to promote the long-term wellbeing of children. Paid in cash or tax credits, child benefits are essential for reducing poverty, as well as accessing healthcare, nutrition, quality education and water and sanitation. Additionally, these benefits support socio-economic development, particularly in times of crisis.   In such contexts, many children are deprived of the basic resources and services they need to escape poverty, and are therefore exposed to the long-lasting impacts of hunger, malnutrition, and unrealised potential.   The three organisations are calling on governments to ensure all children are shielded by social protection mechanisms, including through universal child benefits.   The data shows there has been a modest global increase in access to child benefits over a period of 14 years, from 20% in 2009 to 28.1% in 2023. However, the progress has been unequal. In low-income countries, rates of coverage remain staggeringly low, at around 9%. At the same time, 84.6% of children in high-income countries are covered.   Coverage rates for children in countries that are highly vulnerable to climate impacts are a third lower than those in countries that are not classified as being at high risk. Ensuring children are covered by social protection is key to protecting them from the worst impacts of the climate crisis.   "Globally, there are 333 million children living in extreme poverty, struggling to survive on less than US$2.15 per day, and nearly 1 billion children living in multidimensional poverty. At the current rate of progress, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals' poverty targets are out of reach. This is unacceptable. However, ending child poverty is a policy choice. Expanding social protection coverage of children in the fight against poverty is critical, including the progressive realisation of universal child benefits," said Natalia Winder Rossi, Director, Social Policy and Social Protection, UNICEF.   "This is a crisis for the over one billion children who are not covered by benefits, and for the countries in which they live. There is an urgent need for effective policymaking to help us close protection gaps. Regional inequalities in coverage and progress are of serious concern -- improvement in child benefit coverage is marginal in most regions and too many children are still being left behind." said Shahra Razavi, Director of the Social Protection Department at the ILO.   To bolster efforts to monitor child benefit coverage, Save the Children, ILO and UNICEF have developed the Global Child Benefits Tracker, an online platform to monitor children's access to benefits, and advocate with governments and donors to close the gaps. This launch comes at a critical time when most recent data shows that 829 million children globally are living in households with per-person incomes below US$3.65 a day and progress on child poverty reduction has largely stalled.   "Child benefits support families to afford better nourishment, health, education, and protection and are key for realising children's rights and enhancing their potential as adults. Child benefits are therefore critical to building inclusive and resilient economies for the future. Unfortunately, many countries have not prioritised investment in social protection. Through the Child Benefits Tracker, we highlight the scale of global child poverty and examples of progress to inspire greater political will and investment in child-sensitive social protection systems," said David Lambert Tumwesigye, Global Policy & Advocacy Lead for Child Poverty at Save the Children International.   The three agencies urge policymakers and donors to take decisive steps to attain universal social protection for all children, by:   Building social protection systems that are rights-based, gender-responsive, inclusive, and shock-responsive to address inequities and deliver better results for girls and women, children with disabilities, migrant children, and children in child labour for example.   Closing protection gaps require filling the 'financing gap'. This means investing in child benefits for all children offers a proven and cost-effective way to combat child poverty and ensure children thrive. Providing a comprehensive range of child benefits through national social protection systems that also connect families to crucial health and social services, such as free or affordable high-quality childcare.   Securing sustainable financing for social protection systems by mobilising domestic resources and increasing public investment in children. Strengthening social protection for parents and caregivers by guaranteeing access to decent work and adequate benefits, including unemployment, sickness, maternity, disability, and pensions.   http://www.savethechildren.net/news/14-billion-children-globally-missing-out-basic-social-protection-according-latest-data http://www.childbenefitstracker.org/   Jan. 2024   Cooperation in a fragmented world. (UNICEF)   In 2024, the world must recognize its shared destiny. We must rekindle the cooperative spirit envisioned by the post-World War II international order, placing children, their interests and their voices at the centre of decisions about our common future.   Trends that will impact children in 2024:   1. Geopolitical shifts and the risk of conflict may threaten children’s survival and well-being – but avenues for accountability and cooperation hold promise.   In 2024, major powers will continue competing to expand their military, political, economic, and technological influence globally, including within multilateral institutions.   Meanwhile, small and middle powers, including many in the Global South, are distancing themselves from confrontation between the major powers by forging new, flexible alliances in an emerging ‘multi-aligned movement’.   As power becomes more diffused, a more inclusive and collaborative approach to solving global problems may develop.   This shifting geopolitical landscape means 2024 will likely remain volatile, with reverberating impacts. Potential risks include new armed conflicts, cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns and clashes inflamed by climate change and environmental stresses.   The heightened risk of conflict could entangle neighboring nations in regional disputes. It could also see continued engagement by private military contractors and mercenaries, and urban warfare tactics that endanger civilians.   For children, this volatility will likely mean increased exposure to violence and war. It will also raise their risk of experiencing grave violations of rights in conflict.   Moreover, as humanitarian needs reach unprecedented levels, surging military spending may well divert precious resources from health care, education and nutrition.   States must strengthen monitoring and accountability mechanisms to protect children in conflict situations. The international community needs to expand humanitarian aid to avoid ‘forgotten emergencies’. Reforming global peace and security governance to revitalize tools for protecting children and maintaining peace must be a priority.   2. Economic fragmentation threatens families’ livelihoods, children’s development and youth employment.   Economic fragmentation, often driven by geopolitical interests and strategic considerations, is projected to widen disparities between nations in 2024. It adds fiscal pressure at a time when child poverty is rising in many parts of the world.   Our analysis shows that, from March 2022 to October 2022, millions of newborns in 127 low- and middle-income countries may have been at risk of stunting due to higher food prices because of Russia–Ukraine war. Youth employment prospects, particularly in low-income countries are uncertain due to economic disruptions.   Crises linked to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia–Ukraine war have erased years of progress in reducing extreme child poverty. Estimates show this backsliding will continue, with millions more children living in poverty by 2030 than would have otherwise.   The developed world needs to demonstrate economic solidarity and prioritize children in trade policy formulation and cooperation on commodity markets to ensuring access to essential goods and services.   Equitable budgeting, tax policies, debt management and public finance are key to ensuring essential services and securing environments that allow children to thrive.   Unified policy action and strategic investments are needed in youth employment and education to provide skills for emerging sectors.   3. A fragmented multilateral system is not delivering on key issues for children – but it has a chance to reset its course in 2024 through global governance reforms.   The year 2024 will be pivotal for addressing a fragmented multilateral system that is failing on issues such as peace, security, climate change, financing for developing countries and the enforcement of normative standards – all of which can have an impact on children and their rights.   Many countries, especially those in the Global South, believe the multilateral system has failed to address core challenges and is no longer fit for purpose in an evolving world.   As a result, alignments and alliances among nations have shifted. These shifts can be positive or negative for children: Alliances among smaller groupings of countries can help advance issues at an impasse globally, but multiple groupings may stretch the already limited resources of smaller and less developed countries.   The international community needs to seize the opportunity of the United Nations’ Summit of the Future in September 2024 to renew commitments to inclusive multilateralism and reform global peace and security governance.​   The multilateral system – including the United Nations, international financial institutions, regional organizations, and other organizations – should mainstream child rights and interests into policies, programmes and agreements​.   Children and young people need to meaningfully participate in decision-making processes.   4. Developing economies still face structural inequities in the international financial architecture, limiting their ability to invest in children – but reforms to lending approaches offer hope.   Structural inequities in international financing will continue to limit developing countries’ investments in children in 2024. Excessive debt burdens, high remittance costs, overreliance on unpredictable economic monetary policies, and lack of voice in financial governance penalize poorer states. Debt crises triggered by these factors hurt children through austerity budgets and weakened social safety nets.   Overhauling the governance and lending capacity of international financial institutions is a major reform effort needed to address debt challenges facing developing countries.   A successful approach involving increased social investments and access to sustainable finance can benefit children and offer hope of a faster reduction of extreme poverty, higher education spending, fewer children leaving school early, and increased employment opportunities for youth. But these gains require a commitment to a more inclusive and equitable global financial system.   The international community should give due consideration to the impact on child well-being in the global finance reform processes.   Proposed reforms must be accompanied by efforts to address developing country’s debt and balance economic growth and debt management​.   The international community can reap further gains by modernizing cross-border payment infrastructure and advancing digital finance.   Reforms to the global financial architecture should also balance financial returns with long-term development potential.   5. Global democracy will face unprecedented risks presented by disinformation and higher levels of political violence – but positive forces, including those led by children and youth, may still reverse the democratic decline.   Democratic backsliding has been unfolding for years. But in 2024, as many nations face critical elections, two concerning trends emerge.   First, advances in the digital technology and generative AI have introduced dangerous new disinformation capabilities that can create convincing text and realistic images quickly and cheaply. The impact of disinformation and technology on democracy will likely continue in 2024, potentially affecting 4 billion people living in countries with upcoming elections.   Second, political violence has increased, impacting even established democracies. Of the 50 countries facing the worst levels of political violence, half are considered ‘free’ or ‘partly free’, according to the categorization by Freedom House.   Children and young people are becoming citizens during uncertain times. They may be misled by disinformation and are especially vulnerable to violence and the damage it causes to public services. At the same time, they continue to be engaged in civic action, bringing hope for a reinvigoration of the public debate and a reversal of the democratic decline.   Governments, together with tech companies, the media,​ academia and civil society, including youth, should act to reshape public debate, preserving freedom of expression and information integrity.   Governments must invest in civic education, better platforms for children and youth participation in the political process, and equitable access to existing democratic structures.​ Governments must also take a fresh understanding of how young people act politically and take concrete action to address their demands.​   6. Fast-tracking transition to green energy if managed responsibly, cooperatively and justly, will benefit children and create demand for skilled labour in the green job market.   A faster transition from fossil fuels to green energy requires careful management of resources such as critical minerals, greater collaboration among countries and political will.​ Joint action between governments and businesses is essential to ensure that regulatory frameworks and corporate standards consider child rights issues.​   Inclusive opportunities for young people to build new skills and access green jobs are critical to realizing a transition that works for young generations. Policymakers should consider a holistic, lifecycle approach to supporting green school-to-work transitions​.   7. Climate change will continue to pose many threats to children’s health and nutrition. Three key forces stand out: the continuation of El Nino; the rise in outbreaks of mosquito-borne diseases due to climate change; and water scarcity.   The 2024 El Nino could be even hotter and more dangerous to people and the planet than in 2023. Coming on the heels of the polycrisis, it may further exacerbate impacts on the cost of living, food security and poverty.   Outbreaks of mosquito-borne diseases including dengue and malaria have appeared with increasing frequency and in new locations, reversing years of progress in child survival and health.   Water scarcity, exacerbated by climate change, directly impacts children worldwide – even children in high-income countries. By 2050, 4.3 billion people will live in arid and regions with high levels of water stress – a billion more people than in 2023. Clean and safe water access is fundamental for children’s health and development.   Together, these three forces present major dangers to children, including dehydration, disease, malnutrition, developmental deficits, trauma from displacement and even death.   Given the transboundary nature of these threats and the vulnerability of low-income countries, international cooperation is critical to address climate-related health and nutrition risks for children.   Governments need to adopt integrated health and solutions to the climate crisis that focus on prevention, are backed by research and development and emphasize global collaboration and innovation. Early warning systems need to be strengthened along with greater access to vaccines, bed nets and clean water to shield children from climate threats.   Climate change adaptation and resilience tailored to the goal of protecting children’s well-being must be at the core of climate action.   8. Potential impacts of unchecked technologies spark fear and concern for children’s well-being – but proactive policy and global digital cooperation can place children at the centre of responsible design and regulation.   The digital environment continues to shape children’s lives. Advances such as artificial intelligence (AI) can bring new opportunities for children's learning, health care and development. But new technologies also poses risks for children, regulatory frameworks will be a 2024 priority for three main reasons:   Regulation is crucial for children as they interact with AI in many ways, and children will feel the negative impacts of unchecked AI now and throughout their lives.   Technology’s negative influence has sparked widespread demands for more consideration about design, deployment and regulation of technology.   The politicization of technology will hinder efforts to build consensus on digital governance. Mounting tensions between countries often take priority over children’s rights when it comes to digital governance.   As a result, children may be more exposed to risks from emerging technology, including from AI. Greater child-centred regulation can help shield young technology users from its negative impact. Digital policies and cooperation must prioritize children, resonate with their lived digital experiences and truly serve their needs and hopes.   States need to promote digital equality by providing digital skills and meaningful access and hold Big Tech accountable to minimize risks.​ Children and youth should be meaningfully and continually engaged in digital policy and development. Employing foresight methods – with children and youth – to map potential digital futures that inform anticipatory policies fit for our age.   http://www.unicef.org/globalinsight/reports/prospects-children-2024-global-outlook http://data.unicef.org/data-for-action/unicef-report-puts-children-at-the-heart-of-sustainable-development/ http://data.unicef.org/resources/sdg-report-2023/ Visit the related web page
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