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	World Day of Social Justice 2022 by Guy Ryder ILO Director-General   Feb. 2022   On the occasion of World Day of Social Justice 2022, ILO Director-General, Guy Ryder, says international community has a rare chance that must not be missed to shape a recovery from COVID-19 that delivers social justice for people and protects the planet we all depend on.   'It is hard to think of a time when the demand for social justice has been clearer, or greater. The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated inequalities, both within and between countries. It’s being called the ‘great divergence’.   Economic and social divisions have increased. Those who were disadvantaged before the pandemic have been worst affected - youth, women, informal and migrant workers, small businesses. But none of this inevitable. It depends on the choices we make; the decisions we take.   The 2022 World Day of Social Justice comes at a point of inflexion. As policy makers are shaping our recovery from the pandemic. Their choices will set the direction of change. And by choosing the right measures we can shape the recovery the way we want.   We need a response that focuses on people. That promotes social justice for all while protecting the planet we all depend on.   One priority must be formalizing the informal economy, where 60 per cent of the world’s workers still earn their living, often in poverty, with few rights or protections.   Other key steps must include:   Universal social protection. Improving workers' protection and enterprises' sustainability. Promoting decent jobs and inclusive economic growth. And, creating a just transition towards a carbon-neutral global economy.   To bring it all together we will also need greater and more coherent co-operation between countries and between multilateral organizations. It’s an enormous challenge. But, we already have a roadmap to guide us.   The ILO’s Member States have unanimously adopted a Global Call to Action on COVID-19 recovery . It calls for a recovery that is human-centred, and based on principles of inclusivity, resilience, sustainability, and decent work for all.   We are at a pivotal moment. Not just for COVID rebuilding, but for the future of our societies. We have a rare chance to shape a recovery that also delivers greater social justice. We must not miss this opportunity.   http://bit.ly/36tS5qH http://www.ilo.org/infostories/en-GB/Campaigns/covid19/globalcall#role-ilo http://reliefweb.int/report/world/women-and-girls-left-behind-glaring-gaps-pandemic-responses http://wir2022.wid.world/ http://wir2022.wid.world/executive-summary/ http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/ten-richest-men-double-their-fortunes-pandemic-while-incomes-99-percent-humanity http://policy-practice.oxfam.org/resources/inequality-kills-the-unparalleled-action-needed-to-combat-unprecedented-inequal-621341/ http://www.chronicpovertynetwork.org/covid-19 http://odi.org/en/events/getting-back-on-track-to-end-extreme-poverty/   http://www.ifrc.org/document/drowning-just-below-surface-socioeconomic-consequences-covid-19-pandemic http://www.wiego.org/covid-19-crisis-and-informal-economy-study-0 http://www.lse.ac.uk/granthaminstitute/publication/impact-of-covid-19-on-food-insecurity-using-multiple-waves-of-high-frequency-household-surveys/ http://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/covid-19-leaves-legacy-rising-poverty-and-widening-inequality http://live.worldbank.org/covid-19-and-rising-inequality http://news.un.org/en/story/2022/01/1109702 http://www.wider.unu.edu/publication/above-or-below-poverty-line http://hdr.undp.org/en/2021-MPI http://socialeurope.eu/the-biggest-killer-of-pandemic-times-inequality http://socialeurope.eu/the-price-increases-that-matter-for-the-poor/   http://www.developmentpathways.co.uk/blog/a-line-in-the-sand-how-a-human-rights-definition-of-poverty-can-push-the-fight-to-the-next-level/ http://chrgj.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Alston-Poverty-Report-FINAL.pdf http://www.srpoverty.org/thematic-reports/ http://www.srpoverty.org/ http://www.atd-fourthworld.org/international-advocacy/dimensions-of-poverty/ http://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/food/pages/foodindex.aspx http://www.standup4humanrights.org/HumanRightsDay2021/en/equality.html http://www.socialprotectionfloorscoalition.org/
	African Union Condemns 'Wave' of Military Coups by AllAfrica, UN News, agencies   July 2023   The members of the United Nations Security Council strongly condemned the efforts to unconstitutionally change the legitimate government of the Republic of Niger on 26 July 2023.   The members of the Security Council called for the immediate and unconditional release of the democratically elected President of the Republic, H.E Mohammed Bazoum, and underscored the need to protect him, his family and members of his government.   The members of the Security Council expressed concern over the negative impact of unconstitutional changes of government in the region, the increase in terrorist activities and the dire socio-economic situation. They underlined their regret over the developments in Niger, which undermine efforts at consolidating the institutions of governance and peace in that country.   The members of the Security Council expressed support for the efforts of ECOWAS, the African Union as well as the United Nations and welcomed their statements reaffirming their opposition to any seizure of power by unconstitutional means and for those involved to refrain from violence, hand over power and return to their barracks.   They underscored the urgent need for the restoration of constitutional order in Niger in accordance with the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and expressed their support for regional and continental mediation efforts.   The members of the Security Council reiterated their support to the efforts of ECOWAS and the African Union to reverse the trends of unconstitutional changes in governments through the strengthening of the existing governance and normative frameworks.   The members of the Security Council expressed their solidarity with the people of Niger and underlined the importance of the protection of population and continued humanitarian assistance.   http://www.wfp.org/news/thousands-children-niger-risk-severe-nutritional-crisis-border-closures-leave-trucks-stranded http://www.nrc.no/news/2023/august/military-escalation-must-not-push-niger-and-wider-region-into-deeper-humanitarian-crisis/ http://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/security-council-press-statement-situation-republic-niger http://reliefweb.int/report/niger/communique-1164th-meeting-psc-held-28-july-2023-situation-republic-niger http://www.fidh.org/en/region/Africa/niger/niger-another-military-coup-in-the-sahel-concern-for-civilians http://apnews.com/article/west-africa-sahel-terrorists-insecurity-mali-932b612a72bc368f9429736b27caf2ce   27 July 2023   UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ press conference on climate and the situation in Niger   The United Nations strongly condemns the assault against the democratically elected Government and supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to restore democracy.   Yesterday I spoke to President Bazoum to express our full solidarity. Now I want to speak directly to those detaining him: Release President Bazoum immediately and unconditionally. Stop obstructing the democratic governance of the country and respect the rule of law.   We are seeing a disturbing trend in the region. Successive unconstitutional changes of government are having terrible effects on the development and lives of civilian populations.   This is particularly glaring in countries already affected by conflict, violent extremism and terrorism, as well as the devastating effects of climate change.   The United Nations stands in solidarity with the democratically elected Government and the people of Niger.   Question: Could you lay out for us what a coup in Niger means for the stability of that region?   Secretary-General: First of all, on Niger. I am indeed extremely worried. If you look at the region, you have a dramatic terrorist increase of activity in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Niger, and coming closer and closer to the countries of the coast. You have military regimes in Mali, in Burkina Faso, now eventually in Niger, a fragile transition in Chad and a horrible situation in Sudan. So, we are witnessing that the whole belt south of the Sahara is becoming an extremely problematic area with terrible consequences for their populations and with terrible consequences for peace and stability in the African continent and further afield. So, this is a very dramatic event that only benefits the terrorist groups operating in the area that are becoming more and more dangerous, everywhere.   28 July 2023   Humanitarian operations, development support and peace programmes in Niger continue in the wake of the attempted military coup this week, the top UN official in the country told a briefing to journalists.   Nicole Kouassi, UN Acting Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator, was speaking from the capital, Niamey, hours after the general whose troops seized the democratically elected president, announced that he was assuming control of the country.   On behalf of UN agencies on the ground, she echoed the Secretary-General’s condemnation of Wednesday's coup attempt declared against President Mohamed Bazoum, who reportedly remains in detention at his home.   Ms. Kouassi expressed concern over the current “difficult situation” in Niger, where 4.3 million people, mainly women and children, were already dependent on aid prior to the power grab. Some 3.3 million are facing food insecurity, while a $534 million appeal is just over 30 per cent funded, she said, calling for greater support.   “All the humanitarian partners and development partners remain engaged and committed to supporting the vulnerable population of Niger who are affected by a combination of climate issues, economic and security shocks in the context of very high humanitarian and development needs,” she said.   Jean-Noel Gentile, Country Director for the World Food Programme (WFP) affirmed that “humanitarian response continues on the ground and has never stopped”. WFP is providing both cash assistance and food assistance in Niger and will continuously assess the situation to ensure its staff and partners can safely access people in need. “Only if security is an issue, we will temporarily possibly suspend certain operations in certain areas. But this is not currently the case,” he said.   The crisis could potentially affect the humanitarian response in the wider region, which continues to face impacts from conflict, drought, insecurity and other challenges.   Mr. Gentile said WFP recently established a logistics hub in Niamey as a transit point for hard-to-reach areas in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali, which are only accessible through Niger.   The agency has also been facilitating delivery of humanitarian aid to Chad, which is now hosting hundreds of thousands fleeing the conflict in Sudan, “so the closure of the borders will temporarily suspend this vital cross-border logistics support,” he said. As a result, WFP is examining the possibility of alternative routes.   Ms. Kouassi was asked if UN agencies were in contact with the military, but she said no, stressing that they do not have political mandates.   http://news.un.org/en/story/2023/07/1139247 http://reliefweb.int/country/ner http://www.care.org/news-and-stories/press-releases/niger-ngos-warn-further-instability-and-sanctions-could-exacerbate-humanitarian-needs-of-the-most-vulnerable-including-women-and-children/   Feb. 2022   African Union Condemns 'Wave' of Military Coups. (AllAfrica/DW)   Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Sudan have all been suspended from the AU. At a summit in Addis Ababa, AU delegates decried "the wave of unconstitutional changes of government."   The African Union on Sunday "unequivocally" condemned a wave of military coups and attempted putsches across the continent.   An unprecedented number of member states have been suspended from the bloc as a result of the military power grabs.   West Africa's recent surge in coups began in Mali in 2020, followed by another in Guinea the following year. Meanwhile, gunmen recently tried to overthrow the president of Guinea-Bissau in an attack that lasted hours but ultimately failed.   Last month Burkina Faso joined Guinea, Mali and Sudan in being shut out from the union, after disgruntled soldiers in Ouagadougou toppled President Roch Marc Christian Kabore.   Sudan has been under suspension since June 2019, when the country was banned from all AU activities until the effective establishment of a civilian-led Transitional Authority. But the country' military intervened once again in October last year and detained the civilian prime minister, although the military leaders insisted the move should not be described as a coup.   "Every African leader in the assembly has condemned unequivocally... the wave of unconstitutional changes of government," Bankole Adeoye, head of the AU's Peace and Security Council, told the media.   "Do your research: At no time in the history of the African Union have we had four countries in one calendar year, in 12 months, been suspended," Adeoye added.   The African Union also raised concern on foreign military interference on the continent. “From Cabo Delgado in Mozambique to Libya, we are also facing a new scourge, private foreign military contractors, as well as foreign fighters and mercenaries. But the African Union has always been seized in this matter because since 1977, we already have a convention on the elimination of mercenaries in the continent. So, this is the time to dust up that convention make it more active and work with the United Nations Security council the European Union security committee to make sure that we get the mercenaries out of our continent,” Adeoye added.   The two-day summit is hosted in the Ethiopian capital, but it was unclear how much attention was given to the 15-month war in Ethiopia. The conflict sees Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government pitted against fighters from the northern Tigray region.   The fact that Ethiopia hosts the AU makes any intervention by the bloc particularly sensitive, and Faki waited until last August -- nine months after fighting began -- to assign Olusegun Obasanjo as a special envoy tasked with seeking a cease-fire.   Low COVID-19 vaccination rates still an issue   The COVID-19 pandemic -- particularly the issue of vaccines -- was another priority topic at the summit.   Currently, only around 11% of the continent's population is fully vaccinated against COVID-19. While vaccine access has improved over the past year, vaccine hesitancy and a lack of information have considerably slowed progress.   "70% of the population of 1.3 billion people are young people [under] 30," John Nkengasong, the Director of the Africa Centers for Disease Control (CDC) told DW. "If we don't target them, they will never get to 70% of the vaccination rate target. The time has come to shift the balance and get more community engagement."   In an attempt to increase vaccination rates, the newly-established African Medicines Agency (AMA) will be responsible for regulating health systems and establishing Africa's own vaccine authorization body. Something which is desperately needed, explained Nkengasong.   "The continent of Africa is the only part of the world that still depends on vaccine approval from outside," he said.   Food insecurity and malnutrition laid bare   The theme of this year's AU summit was "Building Resilience in Nutrition on the African Continent." However, some observers said it still didn't receive the attention it deserves.   The continent is currently grappling with multiple food security crises: From the Horn of Africa drought which has affected over 15 million people, to conflict-driven food insecurity in Ethiopia, where over 5-7 million people are struggling with food and water shortages.   Malnutrition rates have soared across the conflict-torn country, stressed UNICEF's Ethiopia Representative, Gianfranco Rotigliano.   "37% of children in Ethiopia under five are prone to acute malnutrition," he told DW. "Almost 45% of all children deaths are associated with a certain degree of under-nutrition."   Rotigliano added that climate changed-linked food disasters have also become more common -- a fact that the AU should take heed of.   "The AU should keep insisting for all countries to comply with actions against climate change," he said. "It can take political decisions to improve South-South cooperation."   The hunger crisis in Ethiopa's war-torn Tigray region was not directly addressed during the summit. However, Bankole Adeoye reiterated the bloc's call for "guaranteed humanitarian access to the areas in need," amid a severe aid shortage exacerbated by heavy bureaucracy, checkpoints and ongoing fighting.   The conflict between Ethiopia's federal government and Tigrayan forces in the country's north has dominated international discourse since it broke out in November 2020, with the United Nations (UN) warning of hundreds of thousands living in famine-like conditions and denouncing a "de facto humanitarian blockade."   http://reliefweb.int/report/world/african-leaders-and-development-partners-called-combine-scaled-humanitarian-response-prevention-situation-worsens-millions-children-facing-severe-wasting-unicef http://www.icrc.org/en/document/food-crisis-soaring-across-africa http://actionaid.org/opinions/2022/why-its-responsibility-african-union-finance-ministers-address-hunger-continent-just http://www.ipsnews.net/2022/04/perils-hunger-food-insecurity-southern-africa-challenges-opportunities/ http://www.wfp.org/stories/sahel-millions-risk-hunger-and-displacement-rise-warns-wfp http://www.wfp.org/news/13-million-people-facing-severe-hunger-drought-grips-horn-africa http://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/tough-urgent-choices-african-leaders-they-launch-year-nutrition-help-millions-people http://www.actionagainsthunger.org/story/35-million-people-threatened-hunger-crisis-sahel http://www.ipsnews.net/2022/09/poverty-impacts-efforts-end-child-marriage-say-parliamentarians/   Feb. 2022   Africa: Focus on Rights, Justice at Summit - African Union   President Macky Sall of Senegal should ensure that civilian protection, human rights, and justice and accountability are the focus of the African Union's agenda as he takes over leadership of the 55-country body, Human Rights Watch said today. The African Union (AU) summit is scheduled for February 5-6, 2022.   "Senegal's President Macky Sall is taking up the presidency of the African Union as the continent faces enormous security and health challenges, political upheaval, and social unrest," said Carine Kaneza Nantulya, Africa advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. "Despite the challenges, Sall has an opportunity to demonstrate the AU's leadership and commitment to its founding principles by taking bold, uncompromising stances against state-sponsored abuses, responding to victims' calls for protection and justice, and pressing for equal and fair multilateral relations with the Global North."   African leaders meeting in Addis Ababa should give priority to addressing the rampant abuses occurring in the conflict in Ethiopia between fighters affiliated with the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Ethiopian federal government and its allies, including Eritrea. The conflict, now ongoing for more than a year, is having a devastating impact on civilians.   Many violations by Ethiopia's warring parties are war crimes and some may amount to crimes against humanity. Despite recently allowing limited humanitarian supplies to enter Tigray via air, the federal government has for seven months maintained an effective siege on the region, preventing millions of people from accessing food, medicine, cash, and fuel, as well as basic services. In the adjacent Amhara region, communities displaced by fighting and abuses have described looting and destruction of health centers, and limited access to medical care and food.   Beyond the Ethiopian crisis, civilians have been the target of attack elsewhere on the continent. Armed Islamist groups, government forces, and allied militia fighters killed civilians during attacks across the Sahel region in 2021. Some 700,000 children are out of school in Cameroon's Anglophone regions due to attacks by armed separatist groups. In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the government's imposition of military rule to address insecurity in the region has not improved civilian protection. More than 1,900 civilians have been killed since the start of martial law in May 2021.   In Mozambique, the Islamic State (ISIS)-linked insurgent group, locally known as Al-Shabab or Al-Sunna wa Jama'a, has committed numerous grave abuses, including indiscriminate attacks against civilians, kidnappings, and sexual violence. Government forces have also been implicated in serious abuses, including threats and unlawful use of force against civilians. Past Human Rights Watch research has underscored the nexus between security and accountability..   http://allafrica.com/view/group/main/main/id/00081072.html http://au.int/en/pressreleases/20220202/covid-19-pandemic-insecurity-and-instability-and-socio-economic-development http://www.hrw.org/news/2022/05/24/au-focus-root-causes-conflict-political-instability http://www.hrw.org/news/2022/02/04/african-union-focus-rights-justice-summit http://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/african-union-regional-bodies/b-177-eight-priorities-african-union-2022 http://concordeurope.org/2022/02/14/joint-african-european-civil-society-statement-to-all-heads-of-states-and-government-dignitaries-attending-the-6th-eu-au-summit/ http://gcap.global/news/recording-now-available-side-event-at-un-africa-regional-forum-on-sustainable-development/ http://learn.tearfund.org/resources/policy-reports/dying-to-adapt-a-comparison-of-african-healthcare-spending-and-climate-adaptation-costs http://ishr.ch/latest-updates/achpr-75-states-parties-should-fulfil-their-obligation-to-produce-meaningful-data-on-economic-social-and-cultural-rights-escr/   July 2021   Africa: Resilient Democratic Aspirations and Opportunities for Consolidation, by Dr Joyce Banda - Former President of the Republic of Malawi.   The Covid-19 pandemic started out as a health emergency that has become an overall governance emergency, because it has challenged the foundations of democratic governance across the continent. In mid-2020, International IDEA led a global call to defend democracy, in view of the emerging trend of human rights abuse, clampdown on the media, abuse of incumbency and military coups. One year down the line, the pandemic has exposed the fault lines in democratic values on the continent and given room for citizens to express their frustrations as seen in the citizens’ mobilization and protests from Algeria to Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, Tunisia and Sudan.   There has been a global democratic decline over the past decade, from which Africa and the Middle East are not exempt. We expect to see a more robust assessment of the overall impact of the pandemic on democracy over the coming years. The 2021 Global State of Democracy Report on Africa and the Middle East highlights some of the observable concerning manifestations of democratic decline in the region.   These include the recent resurgence of military coups as seen in Guinea and Mali; the trend of pseudo-democratic transitions as seen in Zimbabwe, Sudan and Algeria; continued attempts to erode presidential term limits as most recently seen in Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea; and the continued erosion of freedom of expression and access to information through media clampdowns and internet shutdowns; and the adoption of authoritarian measures to enforce Covid-19-related restrictions.   Amidst these challenges, citizens across the continent have demonstrated strong democratic aspirations and resilience through their continued mobilization to demand democratic change and hold their leaders accountable.   Elections remain the accepted means of transfer of power in Africa and most African countries have upheld their commitments to stand against unconstitutional changes of power. It is heart-warming to note that amidst the pandemic, majority of the countries did not deviate from the commitment to hold regular elections, as most elections were held on schedule amidst the pandemic.   Election Management Bodies demonstrated their capacity to learn and adapt through the measures adopted to hold elections during the pandemic. However, there is room for improvement in the area of adoption of special voting arrangements to expand the right to vote in our region.   The competitiveness and credibility of elections on the continent remains questionable, as some incumbents took advantage of the pandemic to curtail opposition and dissent as seen in Uganda and Tanzania. It is also concerning that, electoral outcomes are often disputed, and, in some cases, these disputes have led down the path of violence and loss of lives.   The resilience of democratic institutions like the judiciary and citizens’ aspirations for democracy led to some significant transitions over the past five years that are worth celebrating. These transitions in Gambia, Liberia, Malawi, Seychelles, Sierra Leone and Zambia sustain our hopes for the entrenchment of democratic values and our call for citizens to continue to demand accountability of their leaders.   The role of the national and supra-national judiciary in checking executive power continues to contribute to democratic resilience despite continued attempts by executives to compromise the independence of the judiciary.   This report highlights the double-sided power of Africa’s youthful population. As the world’s youngest region, the power of the youth could be channelled as an opportunity to build new spaces for democratic change, if countries adopt specific measures to promote youth inclusion and participation in political processes.   However, true for the Arab region but particularly, Africa’s youthful population pose a serious challenge if the growing trend of unemployment and social inequality is not addressed as an emergency. A largely unemployed youthful population without opportunities for growth and development could provide fertile grounds for recruitment for violent extremist groups, human trafficking rings and perpetrators of political violence.   As the second female President of an African nation, I am particularly pleased that Africa currently has two sitting Presidents—President Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania, and President Sahle-Work Zewde of Ethiopia—and two sitting Prime Ministers—Prime Minister Najla Bouden Romdhane of Tunisia, Prime Minister Victoire Tomegah Dogbe of Togo and Prime Minister Rose Christiane Ossouka Raponda of Gabon. We look forward to a time when elected female Heads of Government become a norm on our continent. Encouragingly, the recent appointment of eight ministers out of 22 in the recently formed Tunisian government, are steps in the right direction and worthy of continental celebration.   However, there remain ongoing opportunities to deepen and expand action to meet global commitments on gender equality. Women constitute only 24 per cent of the 12,113 parliamentarians in Africa—25per cent in the lower houses, and 20 per cent in the upper houses of parliament. In addition, curtailing violence against women on and offline as they pursue their rights to vote and be voted for and participate in political process and decision making is urgent.   The adverse effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on women’s political participation have been seen in their loss of income and increased reports of domestic and gender-based violence. I join my voice with other leading voices on women’s rights to call on our governments and regional actors to declare a state of emergency on violence against women as we have seen in the actions of countries like South Africa and the Arab EMB Network that recently launched a regional campaign on violence against women.   The pandemic has highlighted the importance of the digital space and digital rights in Africa and the Middle East. This report highlights the observable trend of social inequality and access to social welfare, driven by the growing digital divide. In the context of the pandemic, the challenge of fake news, hate speech, disinformation and online bullying rose to concerning levels.   There is further concern about the continued attempts by governments to curtail freedoms of expression and access to information through internet shutdowns on the continent. To entrench democracy on the continent, the rights of citizens online and increased access to the internet, must be safeguarded and protected while authorities must counter perpetrators of fake news and hate messaging on social media.   This report proffers policy recommendations at national and regional levels, which I call on relevant actors to take steps for effective implementation. Our nations will become stable, cohesive and prosperous only when our democratic governance practices, gender parity and inclusion of women and youth in political governance drastically improve. I remain hopeful that the democratic aspirations within the region and the resilience shown by democratic institutions will continue to drive the democratic development on the continent.   http://www.idea.int/gsod/africa-middle-east-report#foreword   July 2021   Africans want consensual democracy – why is that reality so hard to accept? ask Nic Cheeseman & Sishuwa Sishuwa.   It has become common to argue that most Africans are not that committed to democracy. Commentators often suggest that Africans care more about development than democracy, and that voters – especially those in rural areas – don’t really understand democracy. They would thus happily trade away their political rights for a “strong man” who can get things done.   This narrative has proved to be durable despite being wrong.   In our new journal article for the Keywords series of the African Studies Review, we investigated three issues. First, is there support for democracy in Africa? Second, what kind of democracy do people want? Third, why are the desires of African citizens so often silenced?   Drawing on survey data collected by the Afrobarometer between 2016 and 2018, we show that strong majorities think that democracy is the best political system for their country.   Contrary to claims that “Western style” democracy is “unAfrican”, we find widespread support for a form of consensual democracy, which combines a strong commitment to political accountability and civil liberties with a concern for unity and stability.   Support for democracy remains strong   Democracy in Africa has come under considerable pressure over the last decade. Satisfaction with the way that democracy is performing has fallen. This is in part due to a decline in public confidence in the quality of elections – how free, fair and credible they are.   We argue that this has only had a modest impact on support for the principle of democratic government, in part because African citizens continue to view authoritarian rule as a worse option. Of the 35 countries surveyed, the proportion of citizens who suggested that non-democratic political systems might be preferable only exceeded 20% in eSwatini and Malawi.   This figure is now likely to have declined in both countries. Malawians faith in democracy was revived by a peaceful transfer of power in 2020. And the people of eSwatini have been protesting against a failing authoritarian regime.   Even in states in which the reintroduction of multiparty politics has been associated with political controversy and conflict, such as Cote d’Ivoire, Togo and Uganda, more than three quarters of citizens say that democracy is preferable.   Consensual democracy   It is, therefore, time to stop doubting that African citizens want democracy, and start asking what kind of democracy people want. We argue that there is widespread demand for a form of consensual democracy, in which a desire for elections and checks and balances on those in power goes hand in hand with a concern to maintain national unity.   Consensual democracy has four main features:   Multiparty elections   We show that the vast majority of Africans support selecting their government through multi-party elections. Three-quarters of those surveyed agreed that: We should choose our leaders in this country through regular, open and honest elections.   Almost 65% also agreed that “many political parties are needed to make sure that (the people) have real choices in who governs them”. Most rejected the idea of one-party rule.   Political accountability   Our article also shows that most Africans want political accountability and the rule of law. Over three quarters of respondents agreed that:   The constitution should limit the president to serving a maximum of two terms in office.   Only 34% agreed that the government getting things done was more important than being accountable to citizens.   Civil liberties and political rights   Respondents also wanted to be able to express their own opinions and engage in political activities. Over three quarters (76%) agreed that a citizen’s freedom to criticise the government was “important” or “essential” for a society to be called democratic.   This extends to the right of association, with over 60% of individuals believing they “should be able to join any organisation, whether or not the government approves”.   Consensual politics   Strong support for rights, elections and accountability goes hand-in-hand with a concern to prevent “excessive” freedom and competition, lest they lead to disunity and instability.   Many citizens worry about violence around elections; they want parties to put aside their differences and work for the common good. Many respondents were therefore against the use of street protests to settle disputes, even though they often sympathised with protesters’ aims.   There are of course variations in how people feel about these issues, both across the continent and within countries.   Respondents in eSwatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi and Mozambique were less committed to elections, but only in Lesotho did this drop below 50%.   Namibians and South Africans were more willing to trade accountability off against efficiency – perhaps because of majority support for the ruling party.   Yet, what is striking is the consistency of support for the four pillars of consensual democracy across the continent. What does this mean for African politics? Why is this reality not more accepted?   Our article outlines three key episodes in which support for democratic government has been silenced. We also identify vulnerabilities that authoritarian leaders could exploit.   Leaders who can persuade citizens that their country faces a grave risk of violence and instability may be able to legitimise backsliding on democracy – whether or not the risk actually exists. This is a cause for concern because supporters of democracy in Africa don’t always reject all authoritarian alternatives.   Yet, as our study shows, the overwhelming majority of Africans support consensual democracy.   The argument that multi-party politics is incompatible with African ways of life stretches back to racist colonial officials. It was also used by nationalist leaders to justify creating one-party states after independence. But it is not true, and has become a lazy excuse for authoritarian regimes that are neither popular nor legitimate.   In a decade in which activists have risked their lives to advance democratic causes in Algeria, Angola, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, eSwatini, Ethiopia, Gambia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe, it is time to recognise that most Africans do not want authoritarian rule.   It is both misleading and patronising to suggest that democracy has somehow been imposed by the international community against the wishes of ordinary people. Instead, it has been demanded and fought for from below.   * Nic Cheeseman is Professor of Democracy, at the University of Birmingham and Sishuwa Sishuwa, Postdoctoral Research Fellow; Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, University of Cape Town.   http://theconversation.com/africans-want-consensual-democracy-why-is-that-reality-so-hard-to-accept-164010 http://bit.ly/335iF8h http://democracyinafrica.org/africans-want-consensual-democracy-why-is-that-reality-so-hard-to-accept/ http://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/future-of-social-democracy/the-state-of-african-social-democracy-6030/
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